The government in Poland led by the Law and Justice party (PiS) and characterized by its anti-genderism and right-wing populist politics, is framing its opposition to the Istanbul Convention in human rights language. This leads to a puzzling occurrence of the women’s rights Convention being opposed with rights rhetoric. This puzzle was addressed in the thesis by investigating how the PiS-led government is mimicking human rights rhetoric in their opposition to the Convention. That was done in accordance with the ‘Rights as Weapons’ theory, developed by Bob Clifford. Findings revealed that the PiS-led government in their right rhetoric denies the necessity, effectiveness, and apoliticality of the Convention, invokes fears, presents Polish society as victims of 'gender ideology,' and puts forward opposing rights to those enshrined in the Convention. Moreover, their rights rhetoric heavily relies on fear, misinformation, and misinterpretation of the Convention.

[pt] O período brasileiro 1946-1964 foi tradicionalmente denominado pela literatura brasileira como um período populista, com versões que desqualificam a primeira experiência democrática do país e que foram fortemente internalizadas na sociedade. Nesta pesquisa, o objetivo foi analisar a hipótese formulada no sentido de que a crítica da ideia de populismo é uma condição para se pensar a primeira experiência democrática brasileira, apresentando uma reflexão crítica da literatura sobre o que se chamou de populismo no Brasil. A metodologia adotada foi a pesquisa bibliográfica, por meio da revisão de literatura. Realizou-se um mapeamento da trajetória social e acadêmica do conceito de populismo, apresentando as formulações de alguns historiadores que participaram da problematização do uso desse conceito nesse período histórico do país. O resultado encontrado foi que o paradigma do populismo está empenhado em uma literatura negativa do período, pois, abandonando-se a chave negativa do populismo, foram encontrados elementos caracterizadores de um processo democrático, como exemplo, sujeitos sociais que foram capazes de tomar iniciativas próprias; houve criação de partidos com ampla consistência social, além da incorporação inédita da população no processo político. Concluiu-se que no período analisado ocorreu a vigência de um processo democrático com os seus limites e contradições. A democracia estava sendo construída, mas foi, prematuramente, interrompida pelo golpe militar. / [en] The Brazilian period 1946-1964 was traditionally called by Brazilian literature as a populist period, with versions that discredit the country s first democratic experience and that were strongly internalized in society. In this research, the objective was to analyze the hypothesis formulated in the sense that the critique of the idea of populism is a condition for thinking about the first Brazilian democratic experience, presenting a critical reflection of the literature on what was called populism in Brazil. The methodology adopted was bibliographic research, through literature review. A mapping of the social and academic trajectory of the concept of populism was carried out, presenting the formulations of some historians who participated in the problematization of the use of this concept in this historical period of the country. The result found was that the paradigm of populism is committed to a negative literature of the period, because, abandoning the negative key of populism, characterizing elements of a democratic process were found, as an example, social subjects who were able to take their own initiatives; there was the creation of parties with broad social consistency, in addition to the unprecedented incorporation of the population into the political process. It was concluded that in the analyzed period there was a democratic process with its limits and contradictions. Democracy was being built, but it was prematurely interrupted by the military coup.

[pt] O trabalho busca investigar a dimensão emocional do negacionismo científico através do caso do movimento terraplanista – grupo de pessoas que acredita na teoria de que o planeta Terra na verdade é um disco plano, e o modelo heliocêntrico é uma conspiração de organizações científicas e governamentais – e as imbricações deste com o populismo de direita estadunidense. Utilizando-se de uma abordagem afetiva inspirada pelos trabalhos de Sara Ahmed e Ty Solomon, o trabalho pretende observar como a crença em conspirações como a da Terra Plana possui uma dimensão emocional, que opera em linhas cruzadas aos afetos que circulam ao redor do populismo de direita contemporâneo, especialmente aquele liderado por Donald Trump nos Estados Unidos. Assim, o trabalho observa as imbricações entre o negacionismo científico e o populismo de direita, e as relações discursivas e emocionais entre ambos os grupos, de forma a levantar um debate sobre o caráter inerentemente político da ciência, sobre as formas pelas quais a verdade é manipulada no cenário político atual, e sobre como as emoções são cruciais para entender a aderência de sujeitos a qualquer movimento ou discurso político. / [en] This work seeks to investigate the emotional dimension of science denial through the case of the Flat Earth movement – a group of people who believe in a theory where the planet Earth is actually a flat disk, and the heliocentric model is a conspiracy orchestrated by scientific and governmental organizations – and the imbrications of this movement with American right-wing populism. By taking an affective approach inspired by the works of Sara Ahmed and Ty Solomon, the dissertation seeks to observe how the belief in conspiracies like Flat Earth has an emotional dimension to it, which crosses the same emotional paths as those of the affects that circulate around contemporary right-wing populism, especially the branch of it spearheaded by Donald Trump in the United States. Therefore, the work observes the interweaving between science denial and right-wing populism, and the discursive and emotional relations that these groups share, as to raise questions and discussions about the inherently political character of science, about the ways in which truth is manipulated in our current political spaces, and about how emotions are crucial to understand subjects adherence to any political movement or discourse.

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The global consensus is that the ongoing global warming is unsustainable and that human activity is responsible. The 2015 Paris Agreement aims to keep the Earth's average temperature below 2 degrees and ideally not more than 1.5 degrees. However, currently, we are losing this fight as greenhouse gas emissions and the Earth's average temperature continue to increase. Sweden has embraced its responsibility to lead the transition towards sustainability and has set the world's most ambitious climate goals. However, the new government in 2022 appears to have put Sweden's climate policy on the back burner, causing concern among environmentalists and the general public as Sweden's ambitious climate goals are at risk of not being met. This essay examines the reasons for the climate skepticism of right-wing populism in Sweden, a country known for its leadership in environmental issues. The conclusion is that the reasons for the climate skepticism of the right-wing populist party in Sweden (SD) are primarily based on ideological values. This conclusion is based on the analysis of how SD frames and argues about the climate issue, which is a consequence of their ideology. This essay discusses the political and societal challenges in achieving Sweden's climate goals and the potential consequences of not meeting these targets, particularly in the context of right-wing populism.

This study examines trust in Swedish government agencies based on individuals’ left-right political ideology. Two theories, the Cultural backlash theory and the Economic insecurity thesis, traditionally used to explain the rise of right-wing populist parties, are applied to identify factors influencing trust. The Cultural backlash theory focuses on conflicts between social-liberal and social-conservative values, while the Economic insecurity thesis emphasises the impact of globalisation on economic winners and losers. The results reveal a trust gap between left- and right-wing voters, but other factors seem to play a more significant role in explaining trust levels. Factors associated with the economic insecurity thesis marginally surpass factors associated with political ideology in explanatory power, while those linked to the cultural backlash theory explain more of the variation. The study suggests that, despite the influence that political ideology has on trust in government agencies, the trust gap might be better characterised as a social-liberal/conservative gap. Overall, it highlights the nuanced interplay between cultural and economic factors in shaping trust dynamics within the Swedish context.

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The essay examines how Polish representatives defend constitutional sovereignty over EU-law by analyzing, and comparing, the argumentation from the Polish prime minister Matteuz Morawiecki and the Polish constitutional court. The primary source material is Morawiecki’s letter to heads of governments as well as his statement in the European Parliament. After close qualitative content analysis the argumentation has been categorized and concrete analysis questions have been formulated from the theoretic framework’s three main headlines: democratic backsliding and illiberalism; the rule of law and the constitutions precedence and eurosceptic populism. The tribunal argues mainly from a legal standpoint while Morawiecki’s argumentation is based on EU-skepticism influenced by populism. The main result of the essay is that Morawiecki and the tribunal’s argumentation to defend Polish constitutional sovereignty is categorized as “soft” euroscepticism. Morawiecki furthermore argues that Poland is a strong supporter of the EU, while the tribunal does not take a definitive stance. Both argue that Poland is a liberal democracy that lives up to the Copenhagen criterias while questioning to what extent the EU does so in practice.

[pt] É importante diferenciar o Maquiavelismo do Maquiavelianismo. O primeiro está baseado na crença de que todos os meios disponíveis são justificáveis para ascender e manter o poder, ainda que imorais; enquanto o outro consiste na verdadeira essência do pensamento de Nicolau Maquiavel, trazer as lições deixadas pelos antigos para os tempos moderno, principalmente no que consiste a chamada liberdade republicana. Isto faz total sentido se enxergarmos a renascença como o período de substituição da vida passiva, marcada pela pura reflexão espiritual e contemplação divina, pela vida ativa em que o homem assume uma atividade criadora perante o mundo, não apenas nas artes como nas instituições políticas. Essa é a pratica do viver civiles, em que toda forma de organização social é moldada pela própria comunidade com o objetivo de aprimorar o convívio social. Esta noção está na própria essência do movimento do humanismo cívico que marcou todo o período da Renascença. É sob esta perspectiva que devemos interpretas a obra de Nicolau Maquiavel. O príncipe novo nada mais é que a forma alegórica desta engenharia institucional que posteriormente ganharia a alcunha de Poder Constituinte, mas já estava presente na dinâmica renascentista. Ainda segundo Maquiavel, o príncipe novo necessariamente assumiria a forma de um Oxímoro, figura alegórica em que duas partes de natureza opostas se unem contraditoriamente em um todo harmônico. Aqui, ele se refere aos pequenos e aos grandes que em uma eterna disputa, sempre dentro de um determinado arcabouço institucional, colaboram para aprovar leis uteis para o beneficio mutuo de toda a sociedade. Este processo consiste na fundação continua que deve ser encarado como a próprio essência do poder constituinte que possuía uma natureza invariavelmente aberta. É assim que devemos ler as referencias ao governo misto ao longo de toda a obra maquiaveliana. A figura do Oxímoro exclui qualquer associação do pensamento do secretário florentino com o fenômeno populista, ao menos se levarmos em consideração a definição dada por Laclau em a Razão Populista. O populismo é marcado pela ascensão de uma particularidade (plebe) e sua consolidação como totalidade (populus), enquanto Maquiavel propôs com a cooperação ainda que forçada entre os dois polos antagônicos da sociedade com a manutenção de suas respectivas funções sociais. Entretanto, podemos identificar no conceito de virtù, a vagueza conceitual necessária para caracterizar o conceito de significante flutuante. Isto explica a facilidade das mais diversas correntes ideológicas em se apoderar do legado do secretário florentino em prol de uma causa própria. Ironicamente, Maquiavel parece ter aberto a caixa de pandora do populismo, ainda que contra a própria vontade. / [en] It is important to distinguish the Machiavellianism from the Machiavellian commonwealth. The first is based on the believe that all available means are justifiable to ascend and preserve power, yet imoral; while the other consistes on the true essence of Nicolà Machiavelli s thought: apply the leassons let by the ancient to modern times, specially about the so called republicana liberty. It makes all sense if we analyse the renaissance as the moment of substituition of the passive life, marked by purê spiritual reflexion and divine contemplation, for the active life that the man adopts a creative active before the world, not just in the arts as the political instituitions as well. This is the practice of the viver civiles in which all the forms of social organization are shaped by the own community. in order to improve the social life. This concept is in the own essence of the civic humanism that forged all the period of the Renaissance. It is under this perspective that we should interpret all the Machiavellian work. The príncipe novo is just the alegorical form of the popular statecraft that would later be named constituitional power, but it was already present in the renascence dynamic. Accorduing to the florentina secretary, this príncipe novo would necessarily assume the shape of an Oxymoron, figure of speech in which two parts of opposite nature contradictorily unite in a harmonious whole. Here, he refers to the eternal dispute among the small and the big when operete inside a framework tend tocooperate aproving useful laws for the whole civil society. This process consists in the continuos foundation and caracterizes the own essence of the constitucional power which always have an opened nature. That is the way we should read the references to the mixed government all along the machiavellian works. The Oxymoron figure exculpes any association of the machiavellian Thoughr to the populista phenomenom, at least if we consider the definition given by Ernesto Laclau in his Razão Populista. The populism is caracterized by the ascention of a particularity (plebe) and it s consolidation as totality (populus), while Machiavelli proposed the cooperation yet forced between two antagonical Poles with the preservativos of their respectiva social functions. Nevetheless, we might identify in the concept of virtù, enough conceptual vaporousness to classify it as a flowing significant. It explains the easiness with the most diverse ideologia corrents apropriated from the Machiavellian Legacy. ironically, Machiavelli seemed to have opened the populism pandora box, yet unwittingly.