(in English): The thesis "Eva Perón and Argentina between 1945 and 1952" provides a chronological overview of the historical events that influenced or could have influenced Eva Perón. The prime objective of this thesis is to show the consecutive events taking place in Argentina during the period of the so-called Peronist government. In the process, it outlines elements of the legacy that Eva Perón leaves behind on the current-day political scene in Latin America. The first chapters serve as an introduction and are dedicated to the childhood of Eva Perón and to the events characterizing Argentina in the first third of the twentieth century. The main part of the thesis consists of a detailed description of the life of one of the most important women of the twentieth century, together with an outline of Argentina's history of the relevant timeframe. The chapters are structured in chronological order and divided into several subtitles.

This thesis examines the political thought of Achille Mbembe. It deploys decolonial critical analysis to unmask traces of coloniality with regard to the African existential conditions foregrounded in the conception of the African subject, its subjection, and subjectivity. The theoretical foundation of this thesis is decolonial epistemic perspective—the epistemic intervention that serves as a lens to understand Mbembe’s work and—that is the theoretical foundation outside the Euro-North American “mainstream” canon foregrounded in coloniality. Decolonial epistemic perspective in this thesis is deployed to expose three kinds of coloniality in Mbembe’s work, namely: coloniality of power, coloniality of knowledge and coloniality of being. The thrust of this thesis is that Mbembe’s political thought is inadequate for the understanding of the African existential condition in that it does not fully take coloniality into account. In order to acknowledge the existence of coloniality through decolonial critical analysis, the political thought of Mbembe is examined in relation to modes of self-writing, power in the postcolony, the politics of violence in Africa, Frantz Fanon’s political thought, and the idea of South Africa as major themes undertaken in this thesis. Decolonial critical analysis deals with foundational questions that have relevance to the existential condition of the African subject and the manner in which such an existential crisis can be brought to an end. These foundational questions confront issues like—who is speaking or writing, from where, for whom and why? This thesis reveals that Mbembe is writing and thinking Africa from outside the problematic ontology of the African subject and, as such, Mbembe precludes any form of African subjectivity that challenges the Euro-North American canon. This then reveals that Mbembe is not critical of coloniality and this has the implications in that subjection is left on the wayside and not accounted for. Having explored the genealogy, trajectory and horisons of decolonial critical analysis to understand the political thought of Mbembe, this thesis highlights that it is essential to take a detour through the shifting of the geography of reason. Herein lies the originality of this thesis, and it is here that Africa is thought from within a standpoint of decolonial critical analysis and not Africa that is thought from the Euro-North American canon. Therefore, the shifting of the geography of reason is necessary for the authorisation of the subjectivity of the African subject in order to combat subjection. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Politics)

Cette thèse a pour objet les corrélations existant entre le leadership charismatique populiste et la politique extérieure vénézuélienne alors que, traditionnellement, ces deux objets sont considérés indépendamment l’un de l’autre. L’étude géo-historique de la construction de l’État-Nation vénézuélien aux XIXe et début du XXe siècles explique celle d’une « identité de corps ». L’État précède la Nation qui se construit par le conflit externe et la reconnaissance mutuelle, à la faveur de leaderships politiques dominants (personnalistes et/ou autoritaires) et, pour surmonter le traumatisme suscité par ces conflits et l’échec du projet supranational réunificateur (Grande Colombie), de représentations politiques mythifiantes du peuple et du pouvoir. Ce processus présage le façonnage d’une matrice populiste du politique ayant vocation à compléter cette identité en prolongeant l’interpellation du peuple, tant à l’intérieur qu’à l’extérieur. Ce travail se focalise alors sur les mécanismes de construction et de routinisation du leadership charismatique populiste d’Hugo Chávez Frías et étudie les canaux de diffusion et de globalisation de ce type de leadership qui sont aussi ceux de la diplomatie multiple « bolivarienne ». Ainsi, le peuple n’est plus seulement un groupement de nationaux vénézuéliens mais une communauté « bolivarienne » plus élargie. Le populisme n’est plus envisagé comme un moment ni comme s’exprimant exclusivement sur le territoire national, mais comme un système global qui alimente autant qu’il se nourrit de l’autre et de l’extérieur. La politique extérieure peut alors être analysée sous l’angle d’une politique transnationalisée. / This thesis aims to show evidence for existing correlations between populist charismatic leadership and the Venezuelan foreign policy, whilst these two topics are traditionally considered independently from each other. The geo-historical study of the construction of the Venezuelan nation state in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries explains its « corporate identity ». The state precedes the nation that builds up from external conflict and mutual recognition, for dominant political leadership reasons (personalistic and / or authoritarian), and to overcome the trauma caused by the conflict and the failure of the unifying supranational project (Gran Colombia) by mythifying political representations of the people and power. This process suggests the shaping of a populist political matrix aiming to complete this identity by prolonging the appeal to the people, both inside and outside the country. The work then focuses on mechanisms aiming at building and routinizing Hugo Chávez Frías’s charismatic and populist leadership. It also studies the broadcasting channels and the globalization of this type of leadership which are similar to the « Bolivarian » multiple diplomacy. Thus, the people are no longer just a group of Venezuelan nationals but a much wider « Bolivarian » community. Populism is no longer conceived as a moment nor considered as expressing itself exclusively within the country, but as a global system that feeds as much as it is fed from others and from the outside. Foreign policy can thus be analyzed in terms of a transnationalized policy.

L’enjeu de la thèse est de repérer et caractériser la circulation, à travers l’utopie de la « ville intelligente », d’un discours favorable à une gestion des affaires publiques apparemment dépolitisée, mais aux multiples soubassements idéologiques : le « populisme technologique ». Cette recherche en sciences de l’information et de la communication explore les différentes significations attribuées à la « ville intelligente », envisagée comme une « formule dans le discours » (Krieg-Planque, 2009). Nous nous interrogerons sur le statut d’utopie pouvant être attribué à la « ville intelligente », à la croisée des utopies urbaines (Picon, 2000 ; Riot-Sarcey, 2002) d’une part, et des utopies technoscientifiques et communicationnelles d’autre part (Breton, 1997 ; Musso, 2003 ; Mattelart, 1999). A cette fin, nous nous appuierons sur l’analyse des discours ayant pour objet la « ville intelligente » en France, sur la période de 2010 à 2017, et plus particulièrement sur l’étude de trois cas de projets de « ville intelligente », dans les villes et métropoles de Nice, Lyon et Paris. / The aim of the thesis is to identify and characterize the circulation, through the utopia of the "smart city", of a discourse favorable to an apparently depoliticized management of public affairs, but with multiple ideological bases: "technological populism" ". This research in information and communication sciences explores the different meanings attributed to the "smart city", considered as a "formula in the discourse" (Krieg-Planque, 2009). We will examine the utopian status that can be attributed to the "intelligent city", at the crossroads of urban utopias (Picon, 2000 ; Riot-Sarcey, 2002) on the one hand, and techno-scientific and communication utopias on the other part (Breton, 1997 ; Musso, 2003 ; Mattelart, 1999). To this end, we will rely on the analysis of the discourses on the smart city in France, from 2010 to 2017, and more particularly on the study of three cases of "smart city" projects, in the cities and metropolises of Nice, Lyon and Paris.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T18:15:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Carlos Rocha.pdf: 10945860 bytes, checksum: 68d43542d3aec09436938bf12c2d8c03 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-01-23 / Populism consisted in a phenomenon politician consolidated in the country from the Age Vargas. In 1945 with the democratization, one would become hegemonic in the relations brazilian politics. Multiclass representative Populism, with its utopian attempt of representation of all the social classrooms, answering to its demands was considered the adapted concept more to the space and secular circumstances of Bauru. The populist hegemony in Bauru was extended enters 1948 and 1968. In this period, the janismo and the ademarismo had disputed the political power municipal, reflecting in the production of specific urban landscapes. During transcorrer of twenty years of populist domain, the ademarismo prevailed between 1948 and 1955, the janismo between 1956 and 1959 and one third composed phase of janistas and ademaristas elements, had lead a transistion between proper Populism and the power technocrat. Tecnocracia installed from 1968, with the election of a group politician associated with the interests of the military government. Ademarista Populism in Bauru made possible a harmonious urban evolution, constructing an entailed landscape to the educational sphere. The janismo, its opposite, not yet considered and produced a surprising intervention in the evolution of the fabric urban of Bauru, constructing quarters without infrastructure, defining solved problems in the current days. The junction of the ademarismo and the janismo in the final administrations of the populist period determined the concretion of urban interventions already associates to the posterior period: the tecnocracia / O populismo constituiu-se em um fenômeno político consolidado no país a partir da Era Vargas. Em 1945 com a democratização, tornar-se-ia hegemônico nas relações políticas brasileiras. O populismo multiclassista, com sua utópica tentativa de representação de todas as classes sociais, respondendo às suas demandas, foi considerado como instrumento de análise mais adaptado às características da realidade bauruense. A hegemonia populista em Bauru estendeu-se entre 1948 e 1968. Neste período, o janismo e o ademarismo disputaram o poder político municipal, refletindo na produção de paisagens urbanas específicas. Durante o transcorrer de vinte anos de domínio populista, o ademarismo prevaleceu entre 1948 e 1955, o janismo entre 1956 e 1959 e uma terceira fase composta de elementos janistas e ademaristas, conduziram uma transição entre o próprio populismo e o poder tecnocrata. Tecnocracia instalada a partir de 1968, com a eleição de um grupo político associado aos interesses do governo militar. O populismo ademarista em Bauru possibilitou uma evolução urbana harmoniosa, construindo uma paisagem vinculada à esfera educacional. O janismo, antagonicamente, propôs e produziu uma intervenção surpreendente na evolução do tecido urbano de Bauru, construindo bairros sem infra-estrutura, definindo problemas ainda não solucionados nos dias atuais. A junção do ademarismo e do janismo nas administrações finais do período populista, determinou a concretização de intervenções urbanas já associadas ao período posterior: a tecnocracia

Denna forskning är en systematiserande, mest lika design och idécentrala undersökning, som siktarpå att studera hur multikulturalismen representeras inom Jimmie Åkesson diskurs över tid. Analysen görs på fyra av Åkessons almedalenstal 2011, 2016, 2017 och 2018 av anledningen att ett allmänval ska finnas mellan vissa av valda tal. Den grundläggande teorin som undersökningen utgår ifrån är multikulturalism samt postkolonialism och symbolisk rasism. Syftet med forskningen är att genom en kvalitativ textanalys av valda tal, lifta fram idéstrukturen i hur Åkesson presenterar multikulturalismen till sina åhörare, för att besvara frågeställningen kommer forskningen attavkoda för läsaren innehållet som bedöms har postkolonial och symbolisk rasistisk latent budskap.Materialet som används under forskningen är officiella manus för Åkesson almedalenstal från fyra olika år. Slutsatsen som forskningen har uppnått är att, i respektive Åkessons tal finns stark koppling mellan hur Åkesson ser på multikulturalismen, och mönster som förknippas med postkolonialism och symbolisk rasism. / <p>G betyg</p>

This dissertation examines the relationship between resource nationalism and energy integration, and uses Bolivia and Brazil as a test case. Essentially, does resource nationalism affect energy integration? The findings nest within more expansive questions on international political economy and export-driven models of development. Why do populist regimes, historically operating under an economic nationalist cum protectionist paradigm, simultaneously pursue policies of economic integration? What is the relationship between resource nationalists and open markets, especially in the hydrocarbons sector? What is the relationship between populists, who are typically resource nationalists, and their decision to choose policies of energy integration? The most common responses to the above are that resource nationalists pursue protectionist policies in the hydrocarbon sector. This dissertation demonstrates that once in power, resource nationalists do not always pursue protectionist policies in the hydrocarbon sector, but instead rely on market forces. Another common response is that populists pursue policies of resource nationalism in the hydrocarbon sector. This dissertation demonstrates that populists do not always pursue policies of resource nationalism in the hydrocarbon sector, but instead choose policies of integration. Policies of integration are compelled by market forces, and at times ironically provide the foundation for resource nationalism to later flourish. This dissertation develops a case-study of Bolivia and Brazil to assess the relationship between resource nationalism and energy integration. The case is selected based on each country having energy resources or derivative products for exploitation and use, an energy trade relationship between the countries, the presence of government-run natural resource firms in each country, and a specific period where resource nationalism is present. Bolivia and Brazil are important for this study because of their proximity, particularly where the supply of natural gas is concerned. Proximity is of great importance as natural gas infrastructure is concomitant with energy integration, particularly supply.

巴古寧是十九世紀最著名與最活躍的革命家之一。他橫跨歐洲的革命活動、領導俄國的革命民粹運動，以及在第一國際中與馬克思的爭論，使他成為歷史中的一股動力。另外，他的無政府主義思想更使他加入近代政治思想家的行列中。然而，巴古寧的個性、活動與思想的多樣與複雜，卻讓他擁有許多不同的面貌刻畫，有讚美也有毀謗；他的思想也獲得不同的闡釋，是真理也是矛盾。因此，以「革命」作為理解巴古寧生平與思想的關鍵字，本論文試圖探求巴古寧的革命信念源於何處？他的革命思想與實踐如何交互影響與演進？又要如何看待這位毀譽摻雜的歷史人物？ 　　本論文的研究架構主要將巴古寧的革命信念與實踐分成三個階段來討論：第一為思想的年代，期間巴古寧主要沈浸於哲學思想的領域，研讀與吸收德國唯心主義哲學、黑格爾主義以及各種社會主義的學說，沒有實踐革命的機會與行動。第二為泛斯拉夫主義的革命年代，巴古寧主張哈布斯堡帝國(Hapsburg Empire)的瓦解為歐洲革命的關鍵點，並以斯拉夫民族組織成的自由聯邦取代奧匈帝國，形成他革命泛斯拉夫主義的主張。不過，此一思想也曾一度倒退為保守性，轉為期望俄國沙皇變成為革命獨裁者，發起一個由上而下的革命，以便解放所有的斯拉夫人民。此一期間，巴古寧得到多次實踐革命的機會：一八四八年革命期間的布拉格暴動與德萊斯登叛亂，以及一八六三年波蘭叛亂。 　　第三階段是巴古寧無政府主義思想時期，分成「俄國」及「歐洲」兩部分。在俄國部分，巴古寧在瑞士創辦的雜誌《人民的事業》，讓他再度投入俄國革命的宣傳活動，成為俄國革命民粹運動的主要領導人之一。與俄國革命份子涅恰耶夫的合作中，巴古寧發展了個人的革命理論，並對「革命策略」與「革命道德」的問題做一省思。最後，巴古寧對俄國的革命指導形成俄國「到民間去」運動的一個革命派別。歐洲部分，主要探討巴古寧在歐洲的革命活動，包括在義大利以及第一國際中的活動。巴古寧的無政府主義思想，主要鼓吹破壞一切現有秩序，包括政治、社會與宗教制度，廢除國家、教會與私有財產等制度，並建立一個由各種自發性組織所形成的自由聯邦。他的革命方法乃是建立一嚴格紀律的革命密謀組織，組織社會低下階層的暴動成為全面起義，作為達成革命目標的方法。這樣的理念皆表達在參與法國里昂起義、義大利波隆那起義中。 　　研究發現巴古寧的革命信念主要來自三方面：一為黑格爾哲學作為革命的哲學基礎；二為對法國大革命原則「自由、平等、博愛」的追求；最後加上巴古寧的個性。他的革命實踐方法主要依靠宣傳與密謀兩種方式。而在原始社會運動的形式上，預示出革命如何形成與到來，巴古寧實為現代革命的真正先知。 / Michael Bakunin(1814-1876) was one of the most famous and active revolutionaries in the 19th century. His dazzling revolutionary activities across Europe and his famous controversy with Karl Marx(1818-1883) made him an influential historical actor. Besides, his anarchism also ranked him as one of the political thinkers in modern times. However, the complexity of his personality, activities and thoughts were portrayed from the diabolical to the glandular to the heroic; his thoughts were interpreted differently as truths or paradoxes. The purposes of this thesis were to explore where his revolutionary conviction came form, to examine how his thoughts and life interwove and evolved, most of all, to reassess his significance and relevance basing on the up-to-date research. 　　Bakunin's ideological and life odyssey was divided into three parts: a first, philosophic, stage lasting until 1847, in which he confined himself to German idealistic philosophy and socialist thoughts; a second, Pan-Slav phase lasting from 1848 to 1863, during which he saw the key to European revolution in the disintegration of the Hapsburg empire and its replacement by a free federation of Slavic peoples, contrary to this revolutionary PanSlavism, he also saw Russian emperors as revolutionary dictators issuing a revolution from above to emancipate all Slavic peoples; and a final, anarchist period. This period is divided into two parts: one, Russian, is to elaborate on his influences in Russian revolutionary movements and his reflections on the dilemma of the means and ethic of revolution; the other, European, is to examine his revolutionary activities in Europe, especially in Italy and the International Working Men's Association(the first International). The political philosophy of this time is a paean to destruction: all political, social and religious institutions must be destroyed, the goal being a free federation of independent associations. The means of revolution would be a universal rebellion of the lower orders of society, led by a secret group of conspirators bound together by an iron discipline. Four controversies was discussed, including the development of Bakunin's Hegelism interpreted as a continuous development or a leap in thought, whether his "Confession" diminished his integrity and reputation as a revolutionary, the problem of the joint authorship of "Catechism of a Revolutionary", and whether Bakunin's intrigues and secret societies were the main reason resulting in the disintegration of the first International. 　　The conclusion is drawn to point out that Bakunin's revolutionary conviction came from: (1)Hegelism as his revolutionary philosophy; (2)the search for the principals of French Revolution - Liberty, Equality and Fraternity; (3)his personality. His revolutionary means are chiefly propaganda and conspiracy. On the archaic forms of social movement, Bakunin was the true prophet of modern revolution.

This master’s thesis conducts a discourse analysis on a political organization within the New Christian Right (NCR), the American Family Association (AFA). The purpose of the study is to analyze the conditions of possibility for a politics that aims to prevent progress for LGBT rights and does so by analyzing the political terrain where operations of power produce particular and meaningful political practices. As analytical tools the study relies on a theory of the political by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, who together with Michel Foucault also provide an elaborate theory of power. Theoretical work by Wendy Brown provides insights into how politics can be expressed when social antagonisms are prevented from engaging in political contestation. Results of the discourse analysis trace social antagonisms in AFA discourse to a dislocation of the social where new articulatory practices have established new relationships between elements of discourse and thereby also changed the nature of social intelligibility and interaction. AFA discourse articulates family values based on the privileged signifiers of freedom, democracy and rights, which is utilized both for a separatist politics of discrimination and an inclusive politics of social assimilation. AFA discourse shows many points of antagonism and organizes an enemy in postmodernism. Freedom as a mode of governmentality conditions the political demands that are and can be made which can be traced to a hegemonic neoliberal articulation. AFA discourse challenges neoliberal hegemony through the process of separatism, yet is intimately bound to the hegemonic way of making political demands in order to gain discursive strength and legitimacy.

Sverigedemokraterna är ett radikalt högerpopulistiskt parti som fortsätter att öka sedan valet år 2010. Vid en opinionsundersökning i april 2012 skulle partiet få 8 procent av medborgarnas röster. Syftet med vår uppsats är att förstå och förklara vilka orsaker som ligger till grund för att allt fler medborgare röstar på Sverigedemokraterna. För att kunna besvara syftet med uppsatsen har vi valt att göra en kvalitativ studie genom att med semistrukturerade intervjuer undersöka upplevelser och attityder till dagens samhällsförändringar bland Sverigedemokraternas väljare och relatera deras upplevelser till tidigare forskning inom ämnet. För att besvara vårt syfte blir frågeställningarna följande: På vilket sätt kan SD som parti locka allt fler väljare i dagens globaliserade Sverige? Vilka faktorer kan ligga till grund för att vissa medborgare röstar på SD? Samt vad tror de att SD kan bidra med och förändra i det svenska samhället och mer specifikt för deras egen situation? Vårt teoretiska ramverk är globalisering, representationen ”Vi och Dom”, nation/nationalism och välfärdschauvinism. Med dessa teorier kommer vi ur ett sociologiskt perspektiv förklara vilka samhällsprocesser som interagerar med väljarnas vardagssituation och därmed ligger till grund för deras politiska beslut. Det slutgiltiga resultatet visar att radikal högerpopulistisk retorik är genomgående i samtliga intervjuer. Invandring och välfärdsfrågor var det viktigaste faktorerna till varför intervjupersonerna röstade på Sverigedemokraterna. / The Sweden Democrats is a radical right wing party who continue to increase since the elections in 2010. At a poll in April 2012, the party would get 8 percent of the votes. The purpose of our paper is to understand and explain the reasons underlying that more and more citizens vote for the Sweden Democrats. To be able to respond to the purpose of the paper, we have chosen to make a qualitative study by using semi-structured interviews examine the experiences and attitudes of today's social changes among the Sweden Democrats ' voters and relate their experiences to the previous research on the subject. To answer our purpose becomes the following questions: In what way can the SD as an increasing number of voters in the party attract today's globalized Sweden? What factors can serve as the basis for that some citizens vote on SD? What do they think that SD can contribute and change in Swedish society and more specifically for their own situation? Our theoretical framework is globalization, representation "We and Them" nation/nationalism and welfare-chauvinism. With these theories we come from a sociological perspective to explain what social processes that interact with voters ' living situation and thus is the basis for their policy decisions. The final result shows that radical right wing rhetoric is consistently in all interviews. Immigration and welfare issues were the main factors why the respondents voted for the Sweden Democrats.