Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of Communication, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 104-108).

Invention révolutionnaire, le musée d'art ouvert au public est une institution qui offre un espace contradictoire, cela à plusieurs niveaux : dans les origines conflictuelles du musée, dans la validation de ses relations avec un pouvoir institutionnalisé, dans la conceptualisation de sa dimension publique. Une approche croisée de l'histoire de l'institution et de l'évolution de la question politique nous fera relever précisément ces contradictions et mettra en évidence une tension entre deux pôles antagonistes, en dialogue constant, le principe républicain et la question démocratique. Cette tension s'avère pertinente pour évoquer les musées nationaux et les politiques culturelles de la Cinquième République. On voit alors en quoi le musée national est une institution républicaine et dans quelle mesure la « démocratisation culturelle » s'articule avec la question démocratique. C'est à partir de ces réflexions que l'on peut questionner l'évolution des musées nationaux à partir des années 2000 et leur vaste mouvement de réforme. La réforme des musées nationaux se présente comme la modernisation de leur mode de gestion. Nous en analysons les effets dans deux cas significatifs que sont les musées du Louvre et d'Orsay, à partir de la dimension législative de ces mutations, de déclarations publiques des directions des établissements et d'entretiens réalisés avec des personnels de ces musées. Après avoir contextualisé/caractérisé ce mouvement de réforme, celui-ci est interrogé à partir de la tension définie plus haut entre principe républicain et question démocratique. On verra comment cette tension se reconfigure et se déplace dans un nouveau type de musée, le musée-entreprise. / As a revolutionary invention, art museum opened to the public in France is an institution that offers a contradictory space, in different levels: in the conflicts of the origins of the museum, in the validation of its relation of an institutionalized power, in the conceptualization of its public dimension. Mixing the particular history of this institution with an evolution of political issue, is a way to name these contradictions. This highlights a tension between two antagonistic poles, but in a constant dialogue, republican principle and democratic question. This conflictual dialogue has to be understood as an identification process and its crisis. This tension appears relevant to analyze national museums and cultural Policy during the french Fifth Republic. Therefore, national museum seems to be a republican institution and how “cultural democratization” enunciate itself with democratic question. From these reflexions, evolution of national museums and cultural Policy since 2000, and, the large amendments they know, are analyzable. Amendment of national museums presents itself as a modernization of their management and administration, by alleviating their ministerial tutelage. We analyze these amendments effects from two examples, Louvre and Orsay museums, by studying legislative dispositions, public statements of their directorate and interviews with employees in the museums. After this amendment movement has been contextualized and defined, it is analyzed from the tension between republican principle and democratic question. It is reconfigured and shifted in a new kind of museum appearing: company-museum.

Les points de vente de la presse écrite, encore appelés kiosques à journaux, sont le théâtre d’activités humaines au quotidien. Le passant qui traverse les grands carrefours de Yaoundé ou de Douala est attiré par les nombreuses personnes attroupées devant les kiosques à journaux où elles tiennent des discussions « interminables ». Pour les populations urbaines, il s’agit d’un passe-temps pour ceux qui s’y adonnent. Pourtant, la pratique est renouvelée au quotidien devant ces espaces de commerce. La présence de personnes devant les kiosques à journaux à longueur de journée traduit-elle une certaine oisiveté de leur part ou alors l’expression d’un réel intérêt pour les journaux ? Cette thèse analyse les logiques qui structurent le phénomène d’attroupement devant les kiosques à journaux et interroge la place des discussions qui y émergent. Les pratiques observées, ainsi que les entretiens menés au cours de l’enquête, montrent que la recherche des informations contenues dans la presse écrite est fondamentalement l’objet d’attraction des populations vers ces points d’approvisionnement. Les différents acteurs déploient des stratégies variées pour accéder à l’information. En effet, la vente directe des journaux comme seule source de revenus des kiosquiers relèverait d’une utopie. Face à la conjoncture qui sévit dans le secteur de la presse, les commerçants de journaux ne sont pas épargnés. La chute des ventes suscite le besoin de réajustements, dont le but est de combler le manque à gagner. Dans un contexte global dominé par la précarité, le consommateur n’est pas en reste. Désormais, parcourir les titres de journaux suffit pour se faire une idée de l’actualité. De cette exploration approximative émergent de manière instantanée des débats sur les sujets relayés dans les médias. Pour les protagonistes de ces échanges, la possibilité d’exprimer leur point de vue représente une forme de liberté d’expression, symbole de la démocratie, laquelle apparaît comme un élément structurant majeur dans la construction de l’espace public. / The newspaper stall constitutes an environment for daily human interactions. As one passes by the Yaounde and Douala major crossroads, it’s impressive to see the crowds gathered around the newspaper stalls. For many people, it has become a daily appointment for endless debates.The question is: Why do people spend so much of their time around those newspaper stalls? Is it because they are idlers? Or is it because they are truly interested in newspapers?Our thesis dissertation is aimed at analyzing the logics that structure the phenomenon of crowds around the newspaper stalls, and questioning the nature and content of the discussions resulting from peoples’ interactions in those places.From our observations on the field, and from the interviews carried out, it appears that the main reason why people gather around the newspapers stall is their search for information. Because of the economic crisis many people can’t afford to buy a newspaper. Therefore, they are often contempted with reading the titles on the front pages and when possible, gathering supplementary information from those who may have had the privilege to read the articles. Within this framework, spontaneous discussions and debates merge, which give the protagonists the opportunity to say their mind, and thus feel as if they are expressing their right to free speech, which symbolizes democracy and as such stands as a fundamental element in the public space.

The aim of my work is to describe the penetration of entertainment into the news and the normative reflection of this phenomenon. In the first chapter I conceptualize the phenomenon and discuss the basic literature on the topic. In the subsection I present my concept of the relationship between infotainment and other media concepts from the most general to specific ones such as infotainment. Further, I describe the Czech normative reflection on three different levels: the theoretical debate, the professional debate within political discourse (in which I also include the activity of regulatory authorities), and the debate within journalistic discourse. In the second chapter I show methodological attempts at coping with the penetration of entertainment and I suggest a methodological approach for my own research. In the third chapter I describe historically the onset of the news paradigm in the Czech media landscape, the penetration of entertaining elements into it, and the increased interpretive power of journalists in the commercialized infotainment news. After the description of the Czech normative reflection of this phenomenon and the presentation of the research, I propose a new approach to examine the fusion of entertainment and news.

O presente estudo se propõe a investigar os trabalhos que venho realizando nos últimos anos, sempre abordando questões da cidade e do nela habitar por intermédio de intervenções e ações artísticas que utilizam os meios e códigos da publicidade. São trabalhos inseridos na esfera pública e planejados para iludir o observador por meio da simulação de imagens e elementos comerciais e que, em um primeiro momento, não se apresentam como objeto artístico. Iludem para esclarecer, na medida em que simulam eventos do cotidiano levados ao extremo, procurando explorar tensões e evidenciar os conflitos por trás dos fatos. Da mesma forma, são intervenções que não existem como um objeto isolado, mas se constituem de um conjunto de situações que ocorrem dentro de um espaço-tempo específico: uma vez realizados, o que fica é seu documento. Na dissertação, busco referências de autores que pensam a cidade contemporânea e os “espaços de aparição” do indivíduo, nas palavras de Hannah Arendt, bem como de artistas que refletem sobre os mesmos temas em suas próprias produções, como Antoni Muntadas, Cildo Meireles, os coletivos 3NÓS3 e Contrafilé, entre outros criadores que atuam nos limites da arte como veículo. Por fim, divago se o dissenso proporcionado pela arte possui potência para criar espaços de visibilidade e afirmação sociais, ao estimular a reflexão crítica. / The present study proposes to investigate the work I have been developing over recent years, always addressing issues of the city and of inhabiting it in the form of art interventions using the means and codes of advertising. These are works inserted in the public sphere and planned to deceive the observer by simulating images and commercial elements and, at first sight, do not appear like an art object. They deceive to clarify, insofar as they simulate events of daily life driven to the limit, trying to explore tensions and to show the conflicts behind the facts. In the same way, they are interventions that do not exist as an isolated object, but constitute a set of situations that occur within a specific space-time: once performed, they left only their imprinted records. In this dissertation, I search references from authors who think of the contemporary city and the “spaces of appearance” of the individual, in the words of Hannah Arendt, as well as of artists who reflect on the same themes in their own productions, such as Antoni Muntadas, Cildo Meireles, the collectives 3NÓS3 and Contrafilé, among other creators who act in the limits of art like vehicle. Finally, I speculate if the dissent provided by art has the power to create spaces of social visibility and affirmation by stimulating critical reflection.

[pt] Nas últimas três décadas, acontecimentos como o fim dos regimes ditatoriais e o fim das experiências comunistas do leste Europeu colocaram em evidência em termo que se tornou de fundamental importância para a Teoria Política contemporânea. O conceito de sociedade civil tem revelado toda sua vitalidade no entendimento do cenário político atual, permeando as discussões sobre a construção de novos parâmetros da atuação do Estado e dos padrões de relacionamento entre este e a sociedade. Desse modo tal conceito vem sendo integrado ao mais diversos discursos atuais, ocupando um papel de destaque nas formulações de setores da esquerda e dos conservadores, explicitando sua natureza polissêmica e a disputa política por seu significado. Assim, a partir de uma investigação sobre as diversas nuanças que o conceito adquire ao longo de sua história, a presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar como essa disputa política em torno do conceito de sociedade civil se manifesta no panorama político brasileiro pós-1988, escolhendo como exemplo prático a experiência da instalação do Conselho de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social, em 2003, com o objetivo de se tornar o espaço por excelência para a participação da sociedade civil e para a realização do que foi chamado de novo contrato social, um projeto de realização de decisões conjuntas entre Estado e sociedade civil. Tratamos assim de analisar quais os caminhos seguidos pelos primeiros resultados dessa experiência que se auto-intitulou inovadora devido à formulação conjunta de decisões políticas e de representação do universo plural e conflituoso da sociedade civil. / [en] In the last three decades, occurrences as the end of the dictatorial power in Latin America and the end of the communist experience in the European East, had placed in evidence a term that became extremely important for contemporary Political Theory. The concept of civil society has disclosed to all its vitality in the agreement of current political scene, interposing the quarrels about the constructions of new parameters of State performance and of its standards of relationship with society. In this way, that concept has been integrated into the most diverse current speeches, occupying a position of prominence in the formulation of the Left and the Conservatives, evidencing its polissemic nature and the political dispute for its meaning. This dissertation aims to present the contours of the concept of civil society in the Brazilian political context after 1988, beginning with a historical investigation about the varied nuances presented in its concept, pointing the political dispute of its meaning, between a radical democratic project and the neoliberal agenda, and choosing as a practical example for analysis the experience of the Conselho de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social, evaluating its effectiveness as a public space for participation of civil society.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente dissertação tem como objetivo principal investigar o conceito de pós-secularismo na filosofia de Jürgen Habermas. Para tanto, buscamos compreender como a religião aparece ao longo da construção do pensamento habermasiano, pontuando as diversas revisões feitas pelo filósofo e suas escolhas metodológicas, que resultaram numa mudança de perspectiva sobre o papel da religião na esfera pública das sociedades contemporâneas. A discussão de Jürgen Habermas se insere num debate mais amplo sobre o reexame do conceito de secularismo, envolvendo não apenas a filosofia, mas a ampla gama das ciências humanas e sociais. Assim, procuramos apresentar o contexto geral desse debate e os principais interlocutores com quem ou contra quem Habermas constrói sua argumentação. Por fim, tentamos mostrar de que maneira as revisões feitas por Habermas nos seus últimos escritos a respeito da religião, bem como a apropriação do conceito de sociedades pós-seculares, se enquadram na moldura geral da teoria habermasiana, principalmente dentro da estrutura do agir comunicativo e da política deliberativa. / This dissertation aims at investigate the concept of post-secularism in the philosophy of Jürgen Habermas. The work seeks to understand how religion appears throughout the construction of Habermas's thinking, pointing out the different revisions made by the philosopher and his methodological choices, which resulted in a change of perspective about the role of religion in the public sphere of contemporary societies. The Habermasian discussion is part of a broader debate on the revision of the concept of secularism, involving not only Philosophy, but the wide range of humanities and social sciences. Thus, this dissertation presents a general context of this debate and its main interlocutors with whom or against whom Habermas builds his argument. Finally, this work tries to show how the revisions made in his last writings concerning religion, as well as the appropriation of the concept of post-secular societies, fall into the general framework of Habermas theory, especially within the framework of communicative action and deliberative politics.

This dissertation highlights Hannah Arendt's understanding of Political: deeds, speech and public sphere. In this manner, the meaning of politics is freedom, factually experienced through deeds and words, when men come forward and disclose themselves in the public sphere; i.e., politics can only surface amongst men. For being different, they need speech and deeds to make themselves understood. However, Arendt recognizes that action and speech are activities that are by themselves as futile as life itself. Deeds and words, in order to become part of the world, must be seen, heard and shared; and their only premise is the constant presence of other men. Specifically, deeds and speech are the human condition of plurality. The research was focused on Arendt's descriptions of the tradition's notions and political experiences, emphasizing that the author does not hesitate to state that recognition of human plurality and the establishment and preservation of intermediate spaces are essential conditions to political. The purposes were, on one hand, to demonstrate that Arendt's political thought is impregnated with her readings on ancient politics, conceived as an activity that arises in spaces which men set up to deal with common interests. On the other hand, to manifest that, at modern and current times, both the rise of social sphere and invasion on the field of action and speech by work and fabrication have favored the oblivion of freedom in the political sense. In short, that, to Arendt, the primary sense of politics, forgotten or obscured throughout the centuries, always finds a way to be updated, as shown in descriptions of modern revolutions, labor and popular movements and, more recently, American civil disobedience. / Esta dissertação evidencia as compreensões de Hannah Arendt acerca da Política: ação, discurso e esfera pública. Desse modo, o sentido da Política é a liberdade, factualmente experienciada por atos e palavras, quando os homens aparecem e se revelam na esfera pública; ou seja, a Política somente surge entre-homens. Esses por serem diferentes precisam do discurso e da ação para se fazerem entender. Todavia, Arendt reconhece que ação e discurso são atividades que por si mesmas são tão fúteis como a própria vida. Atos e palavras, a fim de que se tornem parte do mundo, precisam ser vistos, ouvidos e partilhados; e seu único pressuposto é a constante presença de outros homens. Especificamente, ação e discurso correspondem à condição humana da pluralidade. A investigação centrou-se nas descrições de Arendt das noções e das experiências políticas da tradição, destacando que a autora não hesita em afirmar que o reconhecimento da pluralidade humana e o estabelecimento e preservação de espaços intermediários são condições essenciais à Política. Os propósitos foram, de um lado, demonstrar que o pensamento político de Arendt é impregnado pelas suas leituras da política antiga, concebida como uma atividade que surge nos espaços que os homens estabelecem para se ocupar dos interesses comuns. De outro lado, manifestar que, nos tempos modernos e atuais, tanto a ascensão da esfera social quanto a invasão do campo da ação e do discurso pelo trabalho e pela fabricação favoreceram o esquecimento da liberdade como o sentido da política. Em suma, que, para Arendt, o sentido originário da Política, esquecido ou obscurecido através dos séculos, sempre encontra possibilidade de se atualizar, como demonstram suas descrições das revoluções modernas, do movimento operário e popular e, mais recentemente, da desobediência civil americana.

abstract: This dissertation examines contemporary issues that 18 (im)migrant university students faced during a time of highly militarized U.S.-Mexico border relations while living in Arizona during the time of this dissertation research. Utilizing critical race theory and public sphere theory as theoretical frameworks, the project addresses several related research questions. The first is how did (im)migrant university students describe their (im)migrant experience while they lived in the U.S. and studied at a large southwestern university? Second, what can (im)migrant university student experiences tell us about (im)migrant issues? Third, what do (im)migrant university students want people to know about (im)migration from reading their story? Three conceptual constructs, each composed of three categories, that described the different (im)migrant experiences in this study emerged through data analysis. The first of these conceptual constructs was the racialized/ing (im)migrant experience that categorically was divided into systemic exclusions, liminal exclusions, and micro-social contextual exclusions. The second concept that emerged was the passed/ing (im)migrant experience where (im)migrant university students shared that they felt they had a systemic pathway to citizenship and/or that their immigration authorization gave them privilege. This concept was also categorically divided into systemic inclusions, liminal inclusions, and micro-social contextual inclusions. The last concept was the negotiated/ing (im)migrant experience, which described ways that (im)migrant university students negotiated their space/place in the public sphere while attending a large, public university in Arizona. As with the other two concepts, three categories emerged in relation to negotiated/ing (im)migrant experience: systemic negotiations, liminal negotiations, and micro-social contextual negotiations. It is (im)migrant university student experiences that give individuals a better understanding of the complexities that surround immigration. The (im)migrant narratives also highlight that inclusion and exclusion from the public sphere is a complex and dynamic process because all (im)migrant students, including U.S. citizens, experienced moments of inclusion and exclusion from the U.S. public sphere. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Communication 2016

abstract: This dissertation describes the public sphere that coalesced in the Soviet jazz scene during Josef Stalin’s reign. Scholars debate the extent to which Soviet citizens, especially under Stalin, were coerced into cooperating with the regime through terror; willingly cooperated with the regime out of self-interest; or re-aligned their speech, behavior, and thoughts to conform to Bolshevik ideology and discourse. In all cases, citizens were generally unable to openly express their own opinions on what Soviet society should look like. In this dissertation, I attempt to bridge this gap by analyzing the diverse reactions to jazz music in Josef Stalin’s Soviet Union. I argue that audience engagement with jazz and discussions about the genre in the Soviet press and elsewhere were attempts to grapple with bigger questions of public concern about leisure, morality, ethnicity, cosmopolitanism and patriotism in a socialist society. This jazz public sphere was suppressed in the late 1940s and early 1950s because of Cold War paranoia and fears of foreign influences in Soviet life. In its place, a counterpublic sphere formed, in which jazz enthusiasts expressed views on socialism that were more open and contradictory to official norms. This counterpublic sphere foreshadowed aspects of post-Stalinist Soviet culture. To support my arguments, I employ archival documents such as fan mail and censorship records, periodicals, memoirs, and Stalin-era jazz recordings to determine the themes present in jazz music, how audiences reacted to them, and how these popular reactions overlapped with those of journalists, musicologists, bureaucrats, and composers. This project expands our understanding of when and where public spheres can form, challenges top-down interpretations of Soviet cultural policy, and illuminates the Soviet Union and Russia’s ambivalent relationship with the West and its culture. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation History 2017