AbstractThis thesis critically examines the impact of print and social media in a social movement by using Bring Back Our Girls as a case study, which depicts the abduction of girls by warlords in Africa. Today, due to social inequality, activists do not possess the same budget as larger companies for advertising and mass communications. Social movement campaigners depend on media coverage to gain public attention so that their voice can be heard. This study explores the role of print and social media in a social movement - the case of Bring Back Our Girls in Nigeria. A digital signage prototype was designed and developed to solve the issue of digital divide experienced by the Bring Back Our Girls advocacy group during the campaign. However, the digital signage turns the four stages of conventional social movements, which are Emergence, Coalescence, Bureaucratisation, and Decline. For example, if the movement is on bureaucratisation and a new channel is added, people will go back to emergence stage. This prototype, when fully developed, could be used to create awareness and to reach people in rural areas. This study used two research paths, primary and secondary. Primary research is conducted using two main methods: interviews (focus group interview) and a questionnaire. The focus group consisted of fifteen people, fourteen males and one female, although many female activists were invited, only one attended the meeting because of the socio-economic factor in Nigeria and the focus questions were open-ended. In addition, a questionnaire was designed for the evaluation of the prototype. The focus group interview focused on the examination of the role played by the print and social media platforms during the BBOG campaign and the questionnaire focused on the digital signage. The study also examined how a prototype of digital signage is designed by using the Microsoft PowerPoint Application. Secondary research was conducted using literature, online material, articles, e-books, etc., to gain an in-depth understanding of the role of print media, social media, social movement, design science, prototype design, resource mobilisation theory (RMT), social mobilisation, and digital divide. Specific research methods were identified based on the theoretical perspective chosen by the author. Both quantitative and qualitative data gathered in this study suggest that print and social media have some positive impacts on social movement and some of the participants claimed that they had been informed of Boko Haram’s rampage and the abduction of the Chibok girls through print media, such as newspapers, magazines, roadside posters, and billboards.Moreover, some participants claimed that they became aware of the BBOG campaign through social media like Facebook, Twitter, etc. The focus group interviews led to identification of six key themes. These were, information and intelligence gathering, social and print media education, information sharing, religious or tribal sentiment, communication, and networking and advocacy. Also, there are a number of sub-themes, which are discussed at length within the analysis of the report. The general findings are that the BBOG campaign movement was first noticed on electronic media, but became viral and sporadic in print and social media. Despite the cultural and religious differences in Nigeria, the campaigners came together to solicit for the rescue of the Chibok Girls.

In 1965, Blacks were only about 4.5 percent of the total enrollment in American higher education. College programs and offices geared to Black students were rare. There were few courses on Black people, even at Black colleges. There was not a single African American Studies center, institute, program, or department on a college campus. Literature on Black people and non-racist scholarly examinations struggled to stay on the margins of the academy. Eight years later in 1973, the percentage of Blacks students stood at 7.3 percent and the absolute number of Black students approached 800,000, almost quadrupling the number in 1965. In 1973, more than 1,000 colleges had adopted more open admission policies or crafted particular adjustments to admit Blacks. Sections of the libraries on Black history and culture had dramatically grown and moved from relative obscurity. Nearly one thousand colleges had organized Black Studies courses, programs, or departments, had a tutoring program for Black students, were providing diversity training for workers, and were actively recruiting Black professors and staff. What happened? What forced the racial reformation of higher education? A social movement I call the Black Campus Movement. Despite its lasting and obvious significance, the struggle of these Black campus activists has been marginalized in the historiographies of the Student, Black Student, and Black Power Movements with White student activism, Black students' off-campus efforts, and the Black Panther Party dominating those respective sets of literature. Thus, in order to bring it to the fore, we should conceive of new historiography, which I term the Black Campus Movement. This dissertation is the first study to chronicle and analyze that nationwide, eight-year-long Black Campus Movement that diversified higher education. An Afrocentric methodology is used to frame the study, which primarily synthesized secondary sources--books, government studies, scholarly, newspaper and magazine articles--and composed this body of information into a general narrative of the movement. The narrative shows the building of the movement for relevance from 1965 to 1967 in which students organized their first Black Students Unions and made requests from the administration. By 1968, those requests had turned into demands, specifically after administrators were slow in instituting those demands and the social havoc wrought by the Orangeburg Massacre and the death of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Instead of meeting with college officials over their concerns, Black students at Black and White colleges began staging dramatic protests for more Black students, faculty, administrators, coaches, staff, and trustees, as well as Black Studies courses and departments, Black dorms, and other programs and facilities geared to Black students. This protest activity climaxed in the spring of 1969, the narrative reveals. In response, higher education and the American government showered the students with both repressive measures, like laws curbing student protests, and reforms, like the introduction of hundreds of Black Studies programs, all of which slowed the movement. By 1973, the Black Campus Movement to gain diversity had been eclipsed by another movement on college campuses to maintain the diverse elements students had won the previous eight years. This struggle to keep these gains has continued into the 21st century, as diversity abounds on campuses across America in comparison to 1965. / African American Studies

[pt] O objetivo deste trabalho é fazer a constituição histórica do Curso Pré-Vestibular Comunitário Pompeia Santo Agostinho - CPVCPSA na perspectiva dos precursores. Parte-se do pressuposto que os implementadores do projeto tiveram como influências ou referências movimentos sociais de educação popular, que precederam o CPVCPSA, como o Pré-Vestibular para Negros e Carentes – PVNC, que tem similaridade com o pré-vestibular em questão. No entanto, assim como o PVNC, o CPVCPSA também tem como base a Igreja Católica e, no caso do CPVCPSA, este funciona - até os dias de hoje - na paróquia Nossa Senhora do Rosário de Pompeia, situada no bairro de Ricardo de Albuquerque, subúrbio do Rio de Janeiro. Para alcançar o objetivo proposto por esse estudo - e com base na pesquisa de campo - optou-se pela metodologia descritiva e de natureza qualitativa. Para coleta de dados, optou-se pela aplicação de um questionário semiestruturado junto aos precursores, isto é, cinco professores voluntários que ingressaram no pré, no período de 2001 a 2005, pelo fato de considerarmos esse período como de consolidação do pré. Posterior à coleta de dados, foi feita a análise das entrevistas e - concomitante à revisão bibliográfica - observamos as motivações que os precursores tiveram para regressar como professor voluntário neste pré-vestibular comunitário, após terem sido alunos do pré. Ao final do estudo, constatou-se que as motivações dos precursores têm como base o sentido de pertencimento à comunidade local, os laços afetivos que foram construídos e o desejo de contribuir para dar continuidade às atividades do CPVCPSA. Concluiu-se também que o significado dessa experiência perpassou a questão da cidadania participativa dos sujeitos, já que os entrevistados da pesquisa, a partir da inserção no Pré-Vestibular, se tornaram agentes multiplicadores e personalidades emblemáticas. As entrevistas evidenciaram que os precursores traziam trajetórias de sucesso e que o compromisso com a transformação da realidade dos alunos gerou principalmente rebatimentos positivos no próprio pré-vestibular comunitário, na família, na comunidade e no bairro de um modo geral. / [en] The objective of this present work it is to make the historical constitution of the Community Pre-College Course Pompeii St. Augustine-CPVCPSA the perspective of precursors. This is on the assumption that the implementers of the project had as influences or references social movements of popular education that preceded the CPVCPSA, as the Pre-College for Blacks and Needy - PVNC, which has similarity to the pre-university in question. However, as the PVNC the CPVCPSA also it is based on the Catholic Church and, in the case of CPVCPSA, this works to nowadays, in the parish of Our Lady of Pompeii Rosary, located in Ricardo de Albuquerque neighborhood, suburb of Rio de Janeiro. To achieve the goal proposed by this study, and based on field research, we chose the methodology descriptive and qualitative. To data collect was chosen by applying a semi-structured questionnaire with the precursors, this is, five volunteer teachers who joined the pre from 2001 to 2005, because we consider this period as the consolidation of the pre. After the data collection, analysis was made of the interviews and, while after the bibliographic review, We observe the motivations that had precursors. They had to join as a volunteer teacher in this community pre-university, after being students of the pre. At the end of the study, it was found that the motivations of precursors are based on the sense of belonging to the local community, the emotional bonds that have been built and the desire to contribute to continue the CPVCPSA activities. It was also concluded that the meaning of this experience pervaded the issue of participatory citizenship of the subjects, as the survey respondents from the inclusion in the Pre-College, became multipliers and emblematic personalities. The interviews showed that the precursors brought successful careers and commitment to the transformation of students reality, generated mostly positive repercussions on the Community pre-university itself, in the family, community and in the general neighborhood.

[pt] Este trabalho se insere no campo de estudos sobre cursos pré-vestibulares populares. O objetivo é apresentar a constituição da história do Curso Pré-Vestibular PreparaNEM, a partir das perspectivas de participantes da primeira turma que ocorreu em 2015. Optou-se por uma metodologia qualitativa, em que foi realizado levantamento do referencial teórico e para a coleta de dados e informações, foram realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com nove pessoas, dentre ex alunas, professoras, colaboradoras e a idealizadora do projeto. Foram consideradas duas principais categorias de análise: a categoria cursos pré vestibulares populares, entendida a partir da perspectiva dos autores Nascimento (2012) e Santos (2006) de que a atuação dos pré vestibulares populares possuem um lugar de movimento social, pois compreendem que para estes educandos não trata-se apenas de estudar para as provas de vestibular e sim do desenvolvimento da consciência das múltiplas desigualdades que permeiam a inserção de determinados sujeitos nas universidades; e a categoria Políticas de Ação Afirmativa, entendida na perspectiva de Gomes (2011) como políticas sociais de reconhecimento que atuam como medidas compensatórias destinadas a promover o princípio constitucional da igualdade em prol das populações em situação desigual. Os resultados deste estudo revelaram que o PreparaNEM destaca-se por ser um pré vestibular voltado para pessoas travestis e transexuais e possui características singulares, não apresentando coordenação estabelecida de forma hierárquica, priorizando o protagonismo das pessoas travestis e transexuais e não havendo sede fixa, desta forma as aulas transitam por espaços cedidos por outras organizações parceiras. Considera-se que a educação proposta pelo PreparaNEM contribui para o desenvolvimento da reflexão sobre educação e socialização das pessoas travestis e transexuais, o desenvolvimento da autonomia das educandas, a capacidade de resistência à expressa transfobia existente na sociedade e em particular nos espaços escolares e a construção de organização do grupo enquanto rede de afeto e solidariedade. Esses aspectos possibilitam caracterizar a iniciativa enquanto pioneira no segmento dos cursos pré-vestibulares populares, revelando que a importância dessa experiência perpassa a noção de cidadania, uma vez que a inserção de travestis e transexuais em universidades brasileiras as torna ‘personalidades emblemáticas’ e agentes ativas na construção de suas narrativas de vida. / [en] This work, situated within the field of studies on popular pre-university pre-paratory courses, aims to present the trajectory of Curso Pré-Vestibular Prepara-NEM from the perspectives of participants of its first group, whose classes were held in 2015. The study was developed using a qualitative methodology, with a bibliographic review for building its theoretical foundation. Data and information were collected in semi-structured interviews with nine people, including former students, teachers, collaborators and the conceiver of the enterprise. Two main analytical categories were considered: pre-university preparatory courses, in ac-cordance to Nascimento s (2012) and Santos (2006) perspective stating that such courses act as a place of social movement, since that for their students it is not only about studying to pass on admission tests, but also about developing awareness about multiple inequalities that permeate the inclusion of specific subjects on uni-versities; and Affirmative Action Policies, seen as stated by Gomes (2011) as social politics of recognition that act as compensatory measures aiming at promo-ting the constitutional principle of equality favoring populations that face unequal situations. The results of this study showed that PreparaNEM stands out as a prepa-ratory course conceived for travestis and other trans people, with unique features: it is not hierarchically organized, it prioritizes the protagonism of trans people and, since the course does have its own physical space, its classes take place in spaces provided by partner organizations. We consider that the education envisioned by PreparaNEM contributes to developing reflections on education and socialization of travestis and other trans people, to developing the students autonomy and capa-bility to resist against the manifest transphobia that is evident in the society and specially in school environments, and to the construction of the group s organiza-tion as a network for affection and solidarity. Those aspects allow us to characterize this project as a pioneer one within popular pre-university preparatory courses, re-vealing that the importance of this experience is intersected with the notion of citi-zenship, since the inclusion of travestis and other trans people in universities make them emblematic personalities and active agents in the construction of the narra-tives of their lives.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal. / Démarche d'argumentation-théorisation axée sur la posture intellectuelle du paradigme compréhensif, cette thèse analyse l'action collective de la communauté haïtienne de l'île de Montréal sous l'angle du mouvement social. Dans la première partie de cette étude, nous basant sur le postulat d'une co-production du social par le holisme et l'individualisme, nous campons un type de modèle social. Ce type fait référence à la primauté du conflit sur l'ordre, à la dialectique système/individu et à la structuration du social en trois sous-systèmes : le socio-culturel, l'économique et le politique. Le Québec est considéré comme un référentiel de ce modèle. Dans la deuxième partie, nous construisons en deux temps un type d'action collective. Dans un premier temps, via le processus de modélisation, nous construisons une grille analytique de l'action collective générique en sept dimensions ou espaces d'attribut : la structure identitaire, la· structure de l'altérité, le système d'action concret, la dimension axiologique, la dimension socio-cognitive, la finalité et la rationalité stratégico-tactique. Dans un deuxième temps, nous précisons les attributs de ces sept espaces en nous servant du référent paradigmatique "consensus-conflit" et de l'approche wébérienne de l'idéal-type. L"'output" de ce processus à deux niveaux est une action collective conflictuelle selon les sept espaces d'attribut que nous appelons un mouvement social pur. Dans le troisième partie, à l'aune de ce modèle de mouvement social, nous mesurons l'action collective de la communauté haïtienne de l'île de Montréal. À partir de prémisses méthodologiques axées sur l'analyse de contenu par théorisation d'interviews semi-dirigées de 20 leaders Haïtiens et de documents de présentation de l'ensemble des organisations communautaires haïtiennes de l'île de Montréal, il appert que cette action collective n'est pas un mouvement social. Loin de viser le changement d'un système hypothétiquement raciste ou nourri de l'exploitation des faibles socio-économiques, le mouvement collectif des Haïtiens de l'île de Montréal s'inscrit sur le registre de l'intégration systémique et coule ses éléments stratégico-tactiques dans le moule institutionnel. Cette mouvance intégrationniste, comme nous l'évoquons dans le chapitre final de cette troisième partie; s'inscrit dans la problématique de l'institutionnalisation de l'action collective à Montréal.

Boij, A. 2002: Jorden är mörk och svart. Vad som rör pastorer i Svenska Missionsförbundet när de ska predika om samhället. (The world is black and dark. What concerns pastors in the Mission Covenant Church of Sweden when they preach about society). Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. Psychologia et Sociologia Religionum 16. 239 pp. Uppsala. ISBN 91-554-5488-7. The dissertation reflects a study of what pastors in the Mission Covenant Church in Sweden say in their sermons about society and social responsibility and represents an attempt at finding factors such as gender, education, age, values, and faith behind what has been said in the sermons. The results show that in general pastors have a negative picture of society irrespective of which of its aspects they are addressing. The pastors’ view of Christian responsibility for society is that it is primarily something for the individual to take, not for the congregation. Above all, Christian responsibility for society is about individual Christians' taking responsibility for her fellow human beings. For theoretical clarification the findings are discussed within the framework of the concept of secularisation, following Casanova (1994) sub-divided into differentiation, decline of religion and privatisation. In the study differentiation is identified when pastors do not relate theological reflection to their description and analysis of society. Thus they do not provide an integrated system of meaning for everyday life. As for privatisation, even when pastors are mainly speaking about public events, they are unable to place those events in a religiously interpreted context. According to the pastors social problems are to be met with private and individual solutions through Christians' actions to the benefit of their fellow men. The MCC is a part of what in Swedish can be called a popular movement, a kind of "social movement" or "voluntary organisation." The analysis shows that its pastors in their sermons do not embrace some of the central parts of the ideology that generally pertain to popular movements, namely concern with reforming society.

The Basque conflict has waged since the 1950s in its current form. However, with the arrival of democracy 36 years ago, the Basque Country has been the scene of an intense peace mobilization, dominated by two peace organizations: Gesto por la Paz, a group of community organizations that mobilize to publicly reject political violence, and Lokarri/Elkarri, an organization that includes a conflict resolution proposal based on dialogue between conflicting parties. While there is some literature on these organizations, none has analysed their extraordinary impact on Basque society. This research explores how the Basque peace movement has impacted on the social and political culture of the Basque conflict. It seeks to understand the nature of this impact and to determine the channels and methods by which it was achieved, using frame analysis. Three interlinked questions serve to guide the research, asking first if there is a Basque Peace Frame and if it could be considered a master frame, how this Basque Peace Frame has evolved, and, finally, how the Basque Peace Frame has impacted on other Basque Civil Society Organizations related to the conflict. This qualitative research spans the period between the March 2006 declaration of ceasefire by ETA and the end of fieldwork for this research in September 2008. The research includes 18 in depth interviews, written media, and analysis of seven notable Basque social organizations related to the conflict, in addition to the two peace organizations mentioned above. The research found the impact of the Basque peace movement in the Basque Country is significant and rich. The Basque Peace Frame developed based on the rejection of the use of violence as a political tool and identifies that violence as the main barrier to achieving an inclusive conflict resolution. The Basque peace movement organizations developed a specific kind of mobilization to enforce the Basque Peace Frame based on silent and symbolic acts. The objective was to counter the former dynamics of mobilization that were contentious and directed to promote Basque national rights. The Basque Peace Frame proposed a change in the way the political collective identity was constructed in the Basque Country, showing that an association between nationalism and violence is not obligatory. The Basque Peace Frame has evolved and spread between social organizations in the Basque Country, using sympathetic identity networks as the main channel of frame diffusion. Even organizations that did not reject the use of contentious methods of protest are now questioning the use of violence, signifying exciting prospects for the future of non-violent political action in the Basque Country.

The diploma thesis focuses on representation of protest in the official periodical of Czech Anarchist federation. It looks into the protest strategies which influence the level of personal lifestyle of an individual. This practice is connected to the issue of devaluation of the anarchist programme and more prominent emphasis on the form of the activities rather than the content. On the example of anarchist review Existence the thesis investigates how the practice is treated at the discursive level in Czech context. It poses a question whether the accent of a particular lifestyle results in shaping a required normative ideal of social identity. At the theoretical level, the thesis reflects how mainstream media tend to represent protest events. Simultaneously, it describes alternative media as the instrument to oppose the dominant media practice. Using the method of discourse analysis based on Norman Fairclough's linguistic approach, the text looks into the similarities between the mainstream and the alternative. The analysis focuses especially on modern tactics of the anarchist movement, politicization of everyday life, reflection of these phenomena within the movement and possible above-mentioned impact on the anarchist programme.

Cette étude a eu pour but d'analyser le rôle de l'individu et de l'individualisme au sein des mouvements sociaux au Chili, notamment pendant la dernière vague de mobilisations entre les années 2006 et 2012. Elle a essayé de comprendre la montée des mobilisations dans le pays malgré la forte influence que l'individualisme a eue au sein de la société chilienne à partir de la dictature ; et plus particulièrement de répondre à la question : comment construire une action politico-collective à partir de l'individu ? Pour ce faire, une étude comparative a été menée ayant deux composantes. La première a été une comparaison sociohistorique des événements de protestation à Santiago du Chili, basée sur la quantification de l'information de médias et d'autres sources d'information ainsi que sur l'information disponible provenant du domaine de l'histoire sociale, notamment les données d'événements de violence contestataire de l'historien Gabriel Salazar pendant la période allant de 1947 à 1987. La deuxième composante a été la comparaison de deux mouvements sociaux qui ont été mobilisés pendant la période à l'étude : le mouvement d'élèves du secondaire et le mouvement LGBTQ. L'analyse a été de plus bonifiée par des entretiens réalisés à activistes du mouvement de pobladores. À partir de ces éléments, il est possible de conclure que pendant la période à l'étude, il se produit une répolitisation de l'individualisme dans le pays et que cette répolitisation a été la manifestation d'une transformation de la structure de valeurs au sein de ces groupes qui a placé l'individu au centre de l'action politique. Il s'agit de la configuration d'un cadre normatif maître partagé par plusieurs organisations. / The aim of this study was to analyse the role of the individual and the individualism in social movements in Chile, particularly during the last wave of mobilisations between 2006 and 2012. It tried to understand the rise of mobilizations in the country, despite the strong influence that individualism has had in Chilean society from the period of military dictatorship; and more specifically to answer the question: how to construct a contention movement from the individual? In order to achieve this goal, a comparative study which had two components was carried on. The first was a sociohistorical comparison in Santiago de Chile employing protest events analysis based on the quantification of media information and other sources of information, as well as information available from the field of social history, particularly the violent protest events that the historian Gabriel Salazar had analysed during the period from 1947 to 1987. The second component was the comparison of two social movements that were mobilized during the period under review: the secondary students movement and the LGBTQ movement. The analysis was further enhanced by interviews with activists of the movement of pobladores. On the basis of these elements, it can be concluded that during the period under study there is a repoliticization of individualism in the country and that this repolitisation has been an expression of a transformation of the contention values structure that place the individual at the heart of political action. This is the configuration of a master normative frame shared by several organizations. / Este estudio ha tenido por objetivo analizar el papel del individuo y del individualismo al interior de los movimientos sociales en Chile, particularmente durante la última ola de movilizaciones que tuvo lugar entre los años 2006 y 2012. Se trató de comprender el aumento de las movilizaciones en el país a pesar de la fuerte influencia que el individualismo ha tenido en el seno de la sociedad chilena a partir de la dictadura; y particularmente de tratar de responder a la pregunta: ¿cómo construir una acción político- colectiva a partir del individuo? Para poder cumplir este objetivo se realizó un estudio comparativo de dos componentes. El primero fue una comparación socio-histórica de los eventos de protesta en Santiago de Chile, basada en la cuantificación de la información proveniente de medios de comunicación y de otras fuentes, así como en la información proveniente del campo de la historia social, particularmente los datos de hechos de violencia contestataria que el historiador Gabriel Salazar recolectó entre los años 1947 y 1987. El segundo componente fue la comparación de dos movimientos sociales que han estado activos durante el período de estudio: el movimiento de estudiantes de enseñanza secundaria y el movimiento LGBTQ. El análisis se benefició también de entrevistas realizados a activistas del movimiento de pobladores. A partir de estos elementos, es posible concluir que durante el período de estudio se ha producido una repolitización del individualismo en el país y que esta repolitización ha sido la expresión de la transformación de la estructura de valores al interior de estos grupos que ha situado al individuo en el centro de la acción política. Se trata de la configuración de un marco normativo maestro compartido por varias organizaciones.

O objetivo desta reflexão é empreender uma análise sobre o processo de constituição da surdez como particularidade étnico-lingüística. Primeiramente, o foco privilegiado é a comparação etnográfica e histórica das práticas de algumas instituições religiosas - Igreja Católica, Igreja Batista e Testemunhas de Jeová que têm se ocupado da atividade missionária com surdos. Como procedimento metodológico, a atenção esteve voltada para a dimensão performativa dos rituais dessas instituições, com a intenção de revelar como elas produzem diferenças entre pessoas surdas e ouvintes em termos de língua e cultura. Compõem também o universo empírico, dicionários religiosos e manuais de evangelismo referentes à surdez. Em um segundo momento, a intenção é revelar a circulação de agentes religiosos em outras instâncias, tais como, movimento social, instituições universitárias e mercado (que emerge relacionado à língua brasileira de sinais libras). As trocas entre esses domínios religiosos e não religiosos foram constitutivas para o engendramento da surdez como particularidade étnico-lingüística traduzida em normatividade jurídica no interior do Estado-nação. / The aim of this study is analyze the process of deaf as ethno-linguistic particularity. First of all we built an ethnographic and historical comparison between the practices of some religious institutions - Catholic Church, Baptist Church and Jehovahs Witnesses - that have engaged in missionary activity with the deaf. As a methodological procedure, attention was focused on the performance of these institutions rituals, with the intention of revealing how they produce differences between deaf and hearing people in terms of language and culture. Also the empirical universe constitutes religious dictionaries and evangelism manuals relative to deaf. In a second moment, the intention is to reveal the movement of religious agents in other instances, such as social movements, academic institutions and markets (that emerge related to the Brazilian Sign Language -LBS). As will be shown, the exchanges between these domains religious and nonreligious were constitutive for the engendering of deaf as ethno-linguistic particularity in legal universe inside the nation-state.