Submitted by Simone Maisonave (simonemaisonave@hotmail.com) on 2016-08-26T14:29:47Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Carlos Alberto Jardim Cogoy_Dissertacao.pdf: 79420305 bytes, checksum: 5354bf6401cbe9520ff72836a6549014 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Simone Maisonave (simonemaisonave@hotmail.com) on 2016-08-26T14:51:40Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Carlos Alberto Jardim Cogoy_Dissertacao.pdf: 79420305 bytes, checksum: 5354bf6401cbe9520ff72836a6549014 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2016-08-26T17:23:54Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Carlos Alberto Jardim Cogoy_Dissertacao.pdf: 79420305 bytes, checksum: 5354bf6401cbe9520ff72836a6549014 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-26T17:24:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Carlos Alberto Jardim Cogoy_Dissertacao.pdf: 79420305 bytes, checksum: 5354bf6401cbe9520ff72836a6549014 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-04 / Sem bolsa / Esta dissertação enfoca o movimento Hip Hop de Pelotas. Através de quatro entrevistas e material jornalístico, propõe-se a identificar aspectos da história, saberes educativos e a perspectiva como movimento social. Como metodologia, a investigação com aplicação de questionários. As declarações dialogaram com a bibliografia e documentos. No desenvolvimento, reflexões sobre o tema com conceitos da filosofia e educação. O pensamento de Karl Marx e Paulo Freire, em referências como práxis e opressão, balizam a reflexão. Também são abordados os conceitos de indústria cultural e multiculturalismo. A base teórica contrasta com o empírico. Cada entrevistado representa um dos quatro elementos que constituem o Hip Hop. Nas declarações, história pessoal, descoberta e envolvimento com o Hip Hop. Também a manifestação popular como fonte de aprendizado. Experiências em escolas, com oficinas e palestras. Educação não formal e o Hip Hop escolar.Movimento como espaço político de denúncia, reivindicação e ações coletivas. Abordagens sobre a questão étnico-racial. Preconceito, discriminação e racismo. Nos relatos a cultura da periferia. Movimento que resgata diante da realidade de drogadição e violência. A pesquisa também perpassa conceitos como capitalismo e pós-modernidade. Como resultado da pesquisa, movimento Hip Hop que apresenta ambiguidades. Mas também Hip Hop pelotense com potencial crítico, educativo e de mobilização coletiva. / This dissertation focuses on the Hip Hop movement in Pelotas. Through four interviews and journalistic material, it is proposed to identify aspects of the history, educational knowledge and perspective as a social movement. The methodology research will be through questionnaires. The statements are interconnect with bibliografy and documents. In the development, reflections on the topic concepts of philosophy and education. The thoughts of Karl Marx and Paulo Freire, references as praxis and oppression, mark out the reflection. Will be also presented the cultural industry concepts and multiculturalism aspects. Theoretical concepts contrasting with the empirical basics. Each enterviewed person represents that make up the Hip Hop in each statements, personal history, discovery and involvement with Hip Hop that is also a popular manifestation as a source of learning experiments in schools, workshops and lectures. Informal education and Hip Hop School. Movement as a political complaint, as claim and collective actions. Approaches to ethnic-racial issue. Prejudice, discrimination and racism. In the reports the culture of the suburbs. Movement that rescues before the reality of drug addiction and violence. The survey also permeates concepts as capitalism and postmodernity. But also Pelotas’ hip hop as a critical and educational component, with potential collective mobilization as potential.

Dans cette thèse, il est fortement question de hip-hop, mais il est un merveilleux prétexte pour pouvoir parler d’autres choses sur la ville et sur l’ambiance urbaine. Il s’agissait au départ, de s’intéresser au hip-hop, de savoir s’il existait un hip-hop à la Brésilienne et comment s'actualisait le hip-hop à Fortaleza, ville du Nordeste. À partir des premières observations, j’ai pu constater que malgré une visibilité assez faible dans la ville, le travail des organisations du mouvement hip-hop au sein des communautés dites sensibles de Fortaleza est prépondérant. Se dressait alors un paradoxe entre une relative absence du hip-hop dans l’univers sonore de Fortaleza et une « hyper-présence » dans la periferia. Il faut donc comprendre le processus qui a amené le hip-hop à se « marginaliser » au Brésil et problématiser sa territorialisation dans les quartiers. Je montre que le hip-hop à Fortaleza ne s’est pas transposé tel quel dès sa sortie du Bronx. C’est finalement en se détachant des autres expressions urbaines comme le punk et le funk carioca que le hip-hop de Fortaleza s’est forgé en tant que « voie » pour une jeunesse délaissée. Ma thèse plonge le lecteur au cœur des pratiques du « hip-hop organisé », au travers des chroniques, des ateliers d’apprentissage ou des séminaires, qui donnent à voir ce qui caractérise l’action du mouvement hip-hop à Fortaleza. J’explique comment le hip-hop en tant que porte-drapeau d’une jeunesse populaire permet, en partie, par sa politique et son esthétique de sortir des logiques discriminatoires, mais aussi de la rhétorique territoriale qui est à la base de la formation des gangs. J’estime que les pratiques liées au mouvement hip-hop, au lieu de réactiver le stigmate qui pèse sur les populations habitant les quartiers périphériques, permettent à des jeunes de mobiliser un univers de pensée, à la fois proche de leur réalité tout en créant une pratique de la spatialité où la mobilité reste centrale. Cette mobilité est importante dans l’affirmation d’une citoyenneté complète et dans la construction d’une identité qui s’appuie sur son origine « marginale » au lieu de s’en affranchir. / In this research, the main subject is hip-hop but it is a great topic to think about other matters such as the city and the urban context. At the starting point of my thesis, with my interest in hip-hop, discovering if there was a Brazilian version of hip-hop was my main objective, the question point was how it could be actualized in Fortaleza, a city located in the North East of Brazil. From the fieldwork, although I have noticed a limited visibility from its practices in the center town, the hip-hop, as a movement, was incredibly strong in the comunidades located in the suburbs of the city. There was this paradox which is interesting to issue. Thus, we need to understand the process which brought the hip-hop to be « marginalized » and territorialized into the suburbs. I argue the hip-hop does not simply transpose itself in Brazil, as an American expression from the South Bronx to the Brazilian suburbs; I prove the hip-hop constructed itself by an intense competition with other subcultures as punk and funk carioca. This process has led the hip-hop to be the voice of the marginalized suburb’s youth. My thesis is an intense work field in showing the practices of the « hip-hop organizado », by chronicles, seminars, and workshops which allow us to define what are the characteristics of the Fortaleza’s hip-hop. I explain how this music base subculture transformed itself as the voice of the youth from the suburbs, and how it allows, in certain moment and condition, the hip-hopper to avoid a discriminatory path and extract him from a territorial construction which is a common trajectory to the gangs. I think that the hip-hop practices, instead of maintain or reactivate the stigma, allow young people to travel to an another way of live, close to their reality by creating a spatial practice and increasing the mobility, in this way the hip-hopper is able to affirm a complete citizenship by constructing an identity based on his roots from the margins and not against it.

This work is composed by a case study and has as main principles cultural studies and the Latin-American line of reception. The research involves participants of the Black Social Movement of Santa Maria city, located in the central region of Rio Grande do Sul State. One highlights the interactive complexity of a specific culture, the black culture, with televisual shows, which one supposes to act upon them by the predominant diffusion of cultural models that generally go against their characteristics. One of our hypotheses is that few times the media makes viable signals of recognition. In this way, the involvement with the Black Social Movement is what makes possible to understand the relations among ethnicities, media and social class, where the rhythms, beliefs and habits get along with new forms of organization and living together of the black people. Considering that, one tried to understand how an appropriation of televisual contents happens, its interpretations and uses, since one believes that the practice of the reception can enable a system of symbolic differentiation of the ethnic group involved. One utilized the Communication Mediations of culture, by Martín-Barbero and Theory of Multimediations, by Guillermo Orozco, both developed in Latin-America, as a theoretical and methodological model. Thinking about the receptions in relation to the mediations, one selected three of them to this study: the Ethic Identity, The Social Movement and the Social Class as structuring mediations. In relation to the mediation of the Ethic Identity, the research demonstrates that the black ethnicity unifies the subdivision in existent classes in the Black Movement, as it is a basis to a political action, prescribing some orienting principles of the social conduct based on a common memory, in the belonging/distinction and in the sharing of the black culture. The context, in which the receptors representations occur, that is, where the televisual signification attributed by them is given, is defined by the Social Movement mediations, that also limit the social interaction spaces, and also the temporal perspective adopted. The mediation still locates the goals of the discussion that involves classes and ethnicities, revealing that these categories operate significantly in the flux reception, functioning as systems of reference from where the black people representations on TV are interpreted. Among the readings carried out, according to Stuart Hall s categories, it was verified that in the middle class the opposition readings are more significant. Finally, one confirms that these identity matrices reveal resistant nucleus in the facing with the television. / Este trabalho se configura como um estudo de caso e tem como princípios norteadores os estudos culturais e a linha latino-americana da recepção. A pesquisa envolve participantes do Movimento Social Negro do município de Santa Maria, na região central do Rio Grande do Sul. Destacamos a complexidade da interação de uma cultura específica, a cultura negra, com a programação televisiva, que supomos atuar sobre ela pela difusão predominante de modelos culturais que geralmente se opõem as suas características. Uma de nossas hipóteses de trabalho é que, poucas vezes, os meios de comunicação viabilizam sinais de reconhecimento. Dessa forma, o envolvimento com o Movimento Negro é que possibilita compreender as relações entre etnia, mídia e classe social, onde os ritos, crenças e costumes convivem com novas formas de organização e vivência da negritude. Para tanto, procuramos compreender como se dá a apropriação dos conteúdos do fluxo televisivo, incluindo interpretações e usos, pois acreditamos que a prática da recepção pode fundamentar um sistema de diferenciação simbólica do grupo étnico envolvido. Utilizamos, como modelos teórico-metodológicos, as Mediações comunicativas da cultura de Martín-Barbero e a Teoria das Multimediações de Guillermo Orozco, desenvolvidos na América Latina. Pensando a recepção do ponto de vista das mediações, selecionamos três delas para estudo: a Identidade Étnica, o Movimento Social e a Classe Social como mediação estruturante. Em relação à mediação da Identidade Étnica, a pesquisa demonstra que a etnia negra unifica as subdivisões de classe existentes no interior do Movimento Negro, como, também, é a base para uma ação política, prescrevendo princípios de orientação da conduta social baseados em uma memória comum, no pertencimento/distinção e na partilha da cultura negra. O contexto onde ocorrem as representações dos receptores, ou seja, onde se dá o significado televisivo atribuído por eles, é definido pela mediação do Movimento Social, que também delimita o espaço das interações sociais bem como a perspectiva temporal adotada. A mediação ainda situa as balizas da discussão que envolve classe e etnia, revelando que essas categorias operam significativamente na recepção do fluxo, funcionando como sistemas de referência, a partir dos quais as representações dos negros na TV são interpretadas. Entre as leituras realizadas, de acordo com as categorias de Stuart Hall, verificamos que, na classe média, as leituras opositivas são mais significativas. Por fim, constatamos que essas matrizes da identidade revelam núcleos resistentes no confronto com a televisão.

[pt] O objetivo deste trabalho é fazer a constituição histórica do Curso Pré-Vestibular Comunitário Pompeia Santo Agostinho - CPVCPSA na perspectiva dos precursores. Parte-se do pressuposto que os implementadores do projeto tiveram como influências ou referências movimentos sociais de educação popular, que precederam o CPVCPSA, como o Pré-Vestibular para Negros e Carentes – PVNC, que tem similaridade com o pré-vestibular em questão. No entanto, assim como o PVNC, o CPVCPSA também tem como base a Igreja Católica e, no caso do CPVCPSA, este funciona - até os dias de hoje - na paróquia Nossa Senhora do Rosário de Pompeia, situada no bairro de Ricardo de Albuquerque, subúrbio do Rio de Janeiro. Para alcançar o objetivo proposto por esse estudo - e com base na pesquisa de campo - optou-se pela metodologia descritiva e de natureza qualitativa. Para coleta de dados, optou-se pela aplicação de um questionário semiestruturado junto aos precursores, isto é, cinco professores voluntários que ingressaram no pré, no período de 2001 a 2005, pelo fato de considerarmos esse período como de consolidação do pré. Posterior à coleta de dados, foi feita a análise das entrevistas e - concomitante à revisão bibliográfica - observamos as motivações que os precursores tiveram para regressar como professor voluntário neste pré-vestibular comunitário, após terem sido alunos do pré. Ao final do estudo, constatou-se que as motivações dos precursores têm como base o sentido de pertencimento à comunidade local, os laços afetivos que foram construídos e o desejo de contribuir para dar continuidade às atividades do CPVCPSA. Concluiu-se também que o significado dessa experiência perpassou a questão da cidadania participativa dos sujeitos, já que os entrevistados da pesquisa, a partir da inserção no Pré-Vestibular, se tornaram agentes multiplicadores e personalidades emblemáticas. As entrevistas evidenciaram que os precursores traziam trajetórias de sucesso e que o compromisso com a transformação da realidade dos alunos gerou principalmente rebatimentos positivos no próprio pré-vestibular comunitário, na família, na comunidade e no bairro de um modo geral. / [en] The objective of this present work it is to make the historical constitution of the Community Pre-College Course Pompeii St. Augustine-CPVCPSA the perspective of precursors. This is on the assumption that the implementers of the project had as influences or references social movements of popular education that preceded the CPVCPSA, as the Pre-College for Blacks and Needy - PVNC, which has similarity to the pre-university in question. However, as the PVNC the CPVCPSA also it is based on the Catholic Church and, in the case of CPVCPSA, this works to nowadays, in the parish of Our Lady of Pompeii Rosary, located in Ricardo de Albuquerque neighborhood, suburb of Rio de Janeiro. To achieve the goal proposed by this study, and based on field research, we chose the methodology descriptive and qualitative. To data collect was chosen by applying a semi-structured questionnaire with the precursors, this is, five volunteer teachers who joined the pre from 2001 to 2005, because we consider this period as the consolidation of the pre. After the data collection, analysis was made of the interviews and, while after the bibliographic review, We observe the motivations that had precursors. They had to join as a volunteer teacher in this community pre-university, after being students of the pre. At the end of the study, it was found that the motivations of precursors are based on the sense of belonging to the local community, the emotional bonds that have been built and the desire to contribute to continue the CPVCPSA activities. It was also concluded that the meaning of this experience pervaded the issue of participatory citizenship of the subjects, as the survey respondents from the inclusion in the Pre-College, became multipliers and emblematic personalities. The interviews showed that the precursors brought successful careers and commitment to the transformation of students reality, generated mostly positive repercussions on the Community pre-university itself, in the family, community and in the general neighborhood.

This diploma thesis deals with activities of the Czech ecological organisations which were active in case of nuclear power plant Temelin after its breaking-in. The thesis is divided into four chapters. The first one focuses on the definition of the ecological organisation (movement). In the second chapter, the attention is paid to the history of foundation and functioning of the nuclear power plant Temelin. The third chapter is about advantages and disadvantages of the nuclear power. The last chapter focuses on the analysis of activities of the Czech ecological organisations which opposed or supported the nuclear power plant Temelin.

Au travers d'une étude de cas unique et interprétative de la profession médicale, cette thèse propose d'étudier l'usage des artefacts dans la dynamique conjointe des logiques institutionnelles. Pour comprendre la façon dont le changement s'opère, nous avons suivi l'institutionnalisation d'une nouvelle logique émergente. Des médecins généralistes légitiment leur rôle dans le champ médical par la création d'un mouvement social à la croisée de plusieurs mondes : une logique professionnelle et une logique basée sur l'évidence. Après avoir rassemblé les différents objets épistémiques mobilisés (Knorr -Cetina, 2001), une analyse biographique d'une cinquantaine de médecins a été réalisée par le biais du cycle herméneutique (Bleicher, 1980 ; Myers, 2013). L'originalité de ce travail se fonde sur l'approche socio-matérielle des pratiques (Orlikowski, 2005) perçues à la fois comme des traceurs du changement et comme des "performateurs" du changement. Dans le premier cas, d'un point de vue méthodologique, il est possible de faire émerger plusieurs logiques institutionnelles (Friedland, 2012) en analysant l'évolution des objets utilisés par les médecins dans le temps (Gherardi, 2012) pour comprendre l'agencement des acteurs au cours du changement institutionnel (Lounsbury & Crumley, 2007). Dans le second cas, et à portée théorique, la compréhension de la performativité des objets fournit des explications conceptuelles quant à la propagation d'une logique (Orlikowski & Scott, 2008). Nous explicitons le rôle des énoncés performatifs d'Austin (1962) dans le changement de choix de logique chez les individus à travers une nouvelle notion : le déclic. / This research is in depth interpretative case study looking at the raised of contesting practices in the medical profession. In the 1970s, a social movementemerged in France defending the return of professional values that have been absorbed by the prevalent managerial logic. Actors shaped an innovative ‘hybrid’logic (Reay & Hinings, 2009) setting in between professional and evidence - based of medicine logic (Mendel & Scott, 2010). This study explains how a social movement have challenged successfully the dominant logic, and how the vision came to be incorporated into the field configuration. A large amount of qualitative datawere collected via interviews, archives, and ethnography, and analysed withhermeneutics cycles methodology (Bleicher, 1980; Myers, 2013). I created fifty biographies and focused on the different epistemic objects professionals were using to defend and diffuse the project (Knorr-Cetina, 2001). The contribution of analysing sociomateriality in the process of change is twofold. Theoretically it explained the performative dimensions of a transformation of logic (Orlikowski, 2005). Methodologically it offers new possibilities for identifying institutional logics in a field (Thornton et al., 2012). Findings allow me to illustrate the Austinian perspective of performativity which highlights the formal cooperation between actors (Austin, 1965).

With the increase and popularity of the use of internet, hate speech has reached wider dimensions in societies. This thesis will provide empirical examples to show the relation between speech and actions. This paper will use speech-act theory and social movement theory to portray the relation between hate speech on social media and domestic terrorism inspired by far right extremist. Even though, there has been a lot of work for counter terrorism, domestic terrorism is still overlooked. Empirical sources say that domestic terrorism poses a threat as much as international terrorism. This thesis will bring light over the connections of hate speech and domestic terrorism inspired by far right extremists. It will conclude that there is an evident relation that hate speech on social media is contributing to domestic terrorism actions encouraged by far right extremism.

Cet écrit s'intéresse au rôle de l'économie politique dans les mobilisations rurales contemporaines. En mettant l'accent sur les récentes luttes pour l'eau en Turquie, contre les centrales hydroélectriques « au fil de l'eau (SHP). La recherche creuse principalement les facteurs sociétaux et économiques qui rendent possible ou empêchent l'émergence de mobilisations fortes, à travers la comparaison des réactions contre les projets SHP dans quatre localités de la région de l'est de la mer Noire - Kavak (Arhavi) et Aralik (Borcka)- et son arrière pays Tortum (villages de Pehlivanli et Bagbasi).La logique principale derrière cette comparaison croisée est de déterminer si il y a une relation entre les formes de vies rurales, principalement définies en termes de productions, marché, place dans le système économique général, migrations et viabilité des espaces, et des mobilisations politiques contre les constructions de SHP combinées avec d'autres raisons existantes pouvant mener à une agitation ou des conflits. Dans ce contexte, j'appuierai la thèse que Kavak (Arhavi) et Aralik (Borçka) sont devenus des espaces péri-urbains à travers la transformation particulière par laquelle ils sont passés. Le caractère péri-urbain a facilité le voyage des idées et des schémas de politisations urbaines dans les villes natales des citadins. Dans le cas particulier d’ Arhavi, l'effet de la ville dans la mobilisation anti-SHP est évident. Un groupe de personnes originaires d'Arhavi qui peuvent être qualifiés de nouvelle classe moyenne ont été pionniers de la résistance. Ils ont rendu possible des alliances plus larges et ont contribué au renforcement d'une résistance carnivalesque avec des rituels, une réinvention des traditions et des micro-identités. A Aralik par contre, malgré toutes les tentatives, un modèle similaire n'a pas pu être atteint. Le modèle de migration rurale-urbaine a laissé un espace socio-économique viable dans la ville de Arhavi alors que celle de Aralik a été négativement impactée par ces migrations rurales-urbaines, ce qui peut alors être considéré comme un facteur de non-viabilité. Au contraire des petits villages de l'est de la Mer Noire producteurs de petites marchandises, les vallées arides de Tortum abritent des maisons de paysans, qui pratiquent une agriculture de subsistance. Ce type d'habitat a pu continuer à être viable malgré un statut socio-économique peu élevé. Le niveau de la population rurale est resté à peu près stable jusqu'au débit des années 2000. Comme la production est dépendante de l'irrigation, les SHP posent une menace sérieuse sur les moyens d'existence et cela a violemment mobilisé une population auparavant renfermée et docile. Cependant, le discours, le cadre, l'amplitude et les techniques de mobilisation sont complètement différents de ceux des espaces péri-urbains de la Mer Noire. L'amplitude de la mobilisation est directement reliée à celle de la menace sur les moyens de subsistance de la population à Bagbasi et Pehlivanli. Quand la menace est élevée, comme à Bagbasi, la mobilisation est forte. Inversement, quand la menace est faible, comme à Pehlivanli, et qu'il existe des opportunités amenées par la compagnie construisant les SHP qui permettent d'atténuer les effets sur les ressources, une mobilisation est peu susceptible d'arriver. De cela, j'affirme que les transformations spatio-économiques des localités qui transforment de manière inégale les configurations rurales en termes d'activités de production et de consommation ont un impact sur les schémas, discours et des modes des mobilisations rurales contemporaines. De ce fait, la thèse plaide pour un besoin de théorisation des mobilisations agraires contemporaines depuis cette perspective en mettant l'accent sur les transformations des moyens d'existence, les transformations et la viabilité de l'espace, la commercialisation de la production et la différenciation entre la paysannerie. / This dissertation examines role of political economy in contemporary agrarian mobilizations. By focusing on recent water struggles in Turkey against the run-of-the-river hydropower plants (SHP’s); the research digs into the societal and economic factors that enable or inhibit the emergence of strong mobilizations through a comparison of reactions against SHP projects in four localities of Eastern Black Sea region- Kavak (Arhavi) and Aralik (Borcka)- and its hinterland Tortum (Pehlivanli and Bagbasi villages)The main logic behind the cross comparison is to find out if there is a relationship between the forms of rural livelihoods; mostly defined in terms of production, marketing, place in the general economic system, migration and viability of space; and political mobilization against SHP construction combined with the other possible reasons leading to an unrest and contention. The research revealed that prior transformation of the rural spaces affects the ways, means and discourses of the local struggles. In this context, I would argue that Kavak (Arhavi) and Aralik (Borçka) have become peri-urban spaces through the specific transformation that they have gone through. The peri-urban character eased the travel of ideas and city-based politicization patterns into the hometown. In the specificity of Arhavi, the city-effect in the anti-SHP mobilization is evident which gives a particular framing and discourse to the mobilization. A group of people that can be classified as new middle class who are from Arhavi but lived and worked in the big cities pioneered in the resistance. They enabled broader alliances and contributed to the strengthening of a carnivalesque resistance with rituals, reinvented traditions and micro-identities. However in Aralik, despite all the attempts, similar pattern could not be reached. The difference can be traced in the arguments of the viability of the space. The rural-urban migration pattern kept the town of Arhavi as a viable socio-economic space whereas; the town of Aralik has been adversely affected from the rural-urban migration that can be regarded as non-viability.Contrary to commercialized petty-commodity producing villages of Eastern Black Sea, the arid valleys of Tortum sheltered peasant households, which endure on subsistence farming. Viability of these societal settings well continued, despite the low socio-economic status. Rural population levels remained almost stable until the beginning of 2000s. Since the production is dependent on irrigation, the SHP posed a serious threat on the livelihood and this has fiercely mobilized previously closed and docile population. However, the discourse, framing and extent and techniques of mobilization is completely different from the peri-urban contexts of coastal Black Sea. The extent of mobilization is directly related to the extent of threat on the livelihood in Bagbasi and Pehlivanli. When the threat is high, as in Bagbasi, the mobilization is strong. However, when the threat is low, as in Pehlivanli, and there are opportunities provided by the company that would ease the livelihood pressures, non-mobilization is more likely.Hence, I argue that spatio-economic transformation of the localities that unevenly transform rural settings in terms of production and consumption activities have impact on the patterns, discourses and agency in the contemporary ‘rural’ mobilizations. Therefore, the dissertation advocates for a need for theorisation of contemporary agrarian mobilization from this perspective by putting the emphasis on the livelihood transformations, transformation and viability of space, commercialization of production and differentiation within the peasantry and the agency.

While there are numerous examples of research investigating who would protest and why, the research fields of social movements and political participation have not done enough to understand the motivations of women in protest. Nor are there enough studies of the mobilisation of women in anti-regime protest in a post-communist context. This thesis investigates what motivates women in non-democratic settings to participate in protest, despite the elevated costs and risks given the context. It examines Belarus, a protest movement where women have taken on a prevalent role in the protest movement of 2020. The research design is a within-case study using the method of in-depth interviews. I conduct interviews with ten Belarusian female protesters who are found primarily via a snowball sampling technique. The transcribed interviews are analysed using a framework of collective and selective incentives. The study finds that discontent with the government and belief in the movement’s success are significant motivations, while there is not belief that their own participation will enhance the likelihood of success. Results also show that respondents were motivated by the violence used against protesters, a newfound sense of community between Belarusians, solidarity with protesters, the peaceful repertoires in the movement and group belongingness with other women. Taken together, these results deepen our understanding of protests as motivations in themselves and of motivation as a resource, but foremost of why women protest. The results might incentivise more research to be made on women’s role in protest and motivations to join social movements.

The #noDAPL movement was an Indigenous-led environmental social movement occurring between 2015 and 2017, in which the Standing Rock Sioux and other American Indian tribes comprising the Oceti Sakowin garnered support to oppose the 1,172-mile Dakota Access Pipeline. Pipeline opponents agreed that the pipeline's construction posed a threat to the health and safety of tribal members and other residents of the area and that the pipeline's path crossed previously-designated tribal treaty boundaries, compromising tribal sovereignty. In this body of work, I utilize Facebook data from the Sacred Stone Camp Facebook page to locate and identify collective action frames and core framing tasks, adhering to social movement framing theory. Further, I provide insight into the movement's most used collective action frames and how their use enabled to movement to maintain occupation at protest camps along the Missouri River, garner resources from participants and gain international social support. I also draw on concepts of pan-Indianism and supratribalism to discuss indigenous collective identity, as well as concepts like relational values and Indigenous traditional knowledge to better assess the nuances of Indigenous environmental activism and how this movement evoked discussions of modern day settler colonialism.