Esta dissertação trata da produção autogestionária do habitat na cidade de Buenos Aires, como parte de um processo mais amplo de debates e práticas autogestionárias na América Latina. Partindo do contexto histórico, estuda as consequências políticas e sociais das reformas neoliberais na Argentina no campo habitacional, e analisa a ação dos movimentos sociais a partir da crise de 2001. Esse contexto recente foi favorável ao crescimento das práticas autogestionárias na produção habitacional e na luta pelo direito à cidade, iniciando no combate ao neoliberalismo extremo Menemista até a queda do presidente De La Rua, quando os trabalhadores passaram a ocupar fábricas, edifícios, ruas e praças em um processo de autogestão urbana sem precedentes na América Latina pós-ditaduras militares. Como estudo de caso, esta pesquisa recupera as experiências desenvolvidas pelas cooperativas habitacionais a partir da Lei 341/00, que permitiu a produção habitacional por autogestão através de organizações sociais, impulsionada principalmente pelo Movimento de Ocupantes e Inquilinos (MOI), aprofundando questões relativas a este movimento. Há muitos estudos sobre a influência da Fucvam (Fed. Uruguaia de Cooperativas de Habitação e Ajuda Mútua) nos movimentos de moradia brasileiros, demonstrando como os princípios autogestionários importados do Uruguai desencadearam no Brasil uma nova forma organizativa, diferente inclusive da matriz original. A análise da importação de um modelo para outra realidade permite que o próprio modelo original seja analisado sob nova perspectiva. A experiência argentina recente do MOI - Movimento de Ocupantes e Inquilinos, que, assim como a experiência brasileira, se alimentou das ideias da Fucvam, se destaca entre as experiências de autogestão do habitat como proposta inovadora em termos arquitetônicos, urbanos e organizativos, com importantes novidades em relação às experiências uruguaias e brasileiras. / This essay is regarding the self-managed production of the habitat in Buenos Aires, as part of a wide process of debates and self-management practices in Latin America. Starting from the historical context, it focus on political and social consequences of neoliberal reforms in Argentina on housing field, and analyses the action of the social movements since the crisis of 2001. The growth of the self-management practices in housing production and the fight for the right to the city were favored by this recent context, starting during the battle against the extreme neoliberalism \"Menemista\" until the fall of President De La Rua, when workers began to occupy factories, buildings, streets and squares in a process of urban selfmanagement with no precedents in Latin America after military dictatorships. As a case study, this research brings back the experiences developed by housing cooperatives initiated with the Code 341/00, which allowed housing production for selfmanagement through social organizations, mainly driven by the Occupiers and Tenants Movement (MOI), expanding the issues related to this movement. There are many studies about the influence of FUCVAM (Fed. Uruguaia of Housing Cooperatives and Mutual Aid) in Brazilian housing movements, demonstrating how self-management principles, which were imported from Uruguay, have set off a new organizational form in Brazil, even different from the original former. The application of imported model to a different reality brings a new perspective to the original model situation. The recent Argentine experience MOI - Movement Occupants and Tenants, who, like the Brazilian experience, fed the ideas of FUCVAM, stands out between the experiences of the habitat self-management as innovative proposal in terms of architecture, urban and organization, with important news related to the Uruguayan and Brazilian experiences.

The #MeToo movement is related to new forms of feminism, taking advantage of the online space for mobilisation. There are currently debates on the effect of feminist universalisation, post-colonial feminism and global movement’s on a local level. This study aims to understand how a globalmovement like the #MeToo integrates into already existing feminist efforts. While using India as a caste study, 10 urban Indian feminists have been interviewed to share their experiences on contemporary feminist mobilisation and the #MeToo movement. The study finds that the #MeToo movement have had an impact on Indian feminism, but at the same time is limited in its reach. Indian feminism is identified as ever diverse, with an increased incentive to learn and exchange experiences over identities to make feminist efforts more inclusive.

À travers l’étude de trois types de mobilisations autour de la reconnaissance de l’islam en France, notre thèse de doctorat questionne la puissance d’agir (agency) de sujets musulmans intégralistes. Insérés dans une société régie par des ensembles de normes complexes et variables, dans laquelle la norme religieuse n’est qu’une norme parmi d’autres, ces sujets désirent vivre par et à l’intérieur des normes musulmanes. Ce désir leur étant fortement dénié, il les pousse à « travailler » autant les normes majoritaires que l’idéalité des normes musulmanes. Dans une perspective butlérienne, nous allons nous attacher à l’étude de la puissance d’agir de ces sujets musulmans et à l’analyse des diverses manières de réaménager les normes qui les constituent. Les demandes de reconnaissance formulées par les enquêtés constituent leurs puissances d’agir. Elles se développent à des degrés fort variés, en combinant des normes religieuses et des normes relatives au cadre national, et par ce processus, ces sujets de l’islam redéfinissent les conceptions normatives du sujet croyant, du sujet politique et protestataire et enfin du sujet genré. / By studying three types of mobilizations aiming at the recognition of Islam in France, our thesis examines the agency of Integralists Muslim subjects. These subjects live in a society governed by sets of complex and varying standards in which the religious norm is just a norm among others. They want to live in and within the Muslim norms but this desire being strongly denied, they are encouraged to "work" the majority norms as well as the ideality of Muslim norms. Using J. Butler’s approach, I studied the agency of Muslim subjects and analyses the various ways to redevelop the standards that constitute them. The demands for recognition made ​​by our respondents constitute their agency. This agency develops in varying degrees combining religious norms and norms relating to the national framework. By this process the subjects of Islam redefine the normative conceptions of the believing subject, of the political and protesting subject, and finally of the gendered subject.

O presente estudo aborda narrativas de mulheres em torno das mobilizações por elas realizadas e/ou protagonizadas, no contexto da atual indústria da grande mineração no município de Conceição do Mato Dentro, MG. Mais especificamente, busca apresentar e discutir narrativas sobre articulações políticas suscitadas a partir dos impactos causados pela implementação do empreendimento Minas-Rio, da empresa Anglo American. Para isso, foi realizada uma pesquisa participante, que envolveu visitas às comunidades, conversas informais, entrevistas e oficinas com mulheres indicadas pelo Movimento pela Soberania Popular na Mineração (MAM) por serem ou terem se tornado lideranças comunitárias. O empreendimento Minas-Rio está em funcionamento desde 2008 e compreende um amplo complexo minerador, que inclui instalações localizadas em vários municípios da região de Conceição do Mato Dentro: lavra principal, barragem de rejeitos e pilhas de estéril, planta de beneficiamento e tratamento de minério, o maior mineroduto do mundo e uma linha independente de transmissão de energia. A partir dos relatos registrados, foi possível perceber a drástica alteração que a chegada da grande mineração promoveu no modo de vida e na organização sócio-cultural das moradoras e moradores do entorno. Entre essas mudanças, destacam-se a falta de água (o que, para uma população majoritariamente camponesa, representa um profundo impacto), mudanças na economia local, alterações fundiárias, remoção de famílias e comunidades inteiras de seus territórios de origem, sentimento constante medo de um rompimento da barragem, aumento da violência, poluição de rios e do ar, entre outras. Além disso, os relatos apontam uma série de violações de direito ao longo do processo de implementação do empreendimento, o que vem gerando conflitos não somente em torno das mudanças no cotidiano de moradores, mas também em torno do modo de negociação e atuação da empresa / The present study deals with the narratives of women around they mobilizations and / or they perform around the context of the current mining industry in the municipality of Conceição do Mato Dentro, MG. Been more specific, the essay wants to show and discuss narratives about political articulations outcome from the impact caused by the implementation of the Minas-Rio; an operation from Anglo American company. It was made a field research, visits to communities, informal conversations, interview and workshops with women\'s indicated from the Movement for Popular Sovereignty in Mining (Movimento pela Soberania Popular na Mineração - MAM). Because those woman\'s were or will become community leaderships. Minas-Rio entrepreneurship are working since 2008. The company operates in a large complex of mining with are located in different counties from Conceição do Mato Dentro area: places you take of the minerals; tailings dam; waste drumps; beneficiation plant; minerals treatments; the bigger mineral pipeline in the world; and a electrical power transmission line. From the recorded reports, it was possible to perceive the drastic changes after the mining company implantation in the people\'s way of life and in the people\'s socio-cultural organisation. Is possible to highlight the lake of water (with is a serious issue since the majority of the people are peasants); economical changes; removal of families and whole communities from the original places; impunity and fear for the rupture of the dams; increased violence; rivers and air force pollution; and so one. In addition, the reports showing lots human rights violations over the Company implementation. Which has generated conflicts not only around changes in people life\'s but also around the way of negotiation and behavior of the company

Com base em pesquisa realizada no Município de São José dos Campos, São Paulo, Brasil, através de entrevistas e registros em diário de campo, identificou-se e analisou-se os atores sociais locais e sua relação com os temas da participação, dos movimentos sociais e da saúde. Em termos teóricos , classificou-se, a interpretação dos movimentos sociais e da participação em duas direções: uma voltada para a autonomia e, outra para a construção de uma esfera pÚblica. Em termos dos atores sociais analisados, e de suas perspectivas de ação, relacionaram-se diferentes concepções a respeito de saúde. Dois níveis de ação ocupavam o centro da esfera pública: uma ação política, que através do \"movimento\" guardaria um sentido de oposição e de mudança, e uma ação sindical que se basearia na obtenção de salários e melhorias para o grupo de trabalhadores envolvidos. As demandas e expectativas em relação a saúde, ou a um modelo público de saúde, são determinadas por um contexto de discriminação existente entre serviços públicos e privados, sendo estes últimos oferecidos, através de convenios e seguro saúde, aos trabalhadores. As ações de saúde, encontram-se fragmentadas pelos interesses corporativos profissionais, bem como privados e políticos, como de oposição, de crítica generalizada e de procura de obtenção de resultados imediatos. / On the basis of research undertaken in the City of São José dos Campos, São Paulo State, Brazil, and with the use of interview techniques and entries made in a field log, the local social actors involved in the themes health, participation and social movements were identified and analysed. The two following conclusions to the study were drawn. The first, from the theoretical point of view, two tendencies regarding the interpretation of social movements were classified: one towards autonomy and the other towards the reconstruction of the public sphere. The second conclusion, in terms of the social actors analysed and of their actions related to of diversity of meanings attributed to \"health\". two levels of action occupied the center of the stage with regard to the public sphere, on one hand, political action expressing the desire for change and, on the other trade-union action. the demands and aspirations in terms of health should be seen within the context of existing gap between public and private health services, these last offered to the working class by means of contracts between private health services and employers. Health actions were highly fragmented among corporative interests - professional as well as private - and political ones as regards opposition, criticism and results.

Thesis advisor: William B. Stevenson / Thesis advisor: Sandra Waddock / The main purpose of this dissertation research is to understand the collaborative interactions among actors engaging in change efforts in the existing institutional arrangements. Specifically, this dissertation research sheds light on the collaboration networks of social investors who desire both their own financial benefits and stakeholder welfare, by filing shareholder resolutions to bring environmental or stakeholder concerns to the attention of corporate managers. My research strategy in this dissertation is to propose and write a theoretical study and two empirical studies. I propose in chapter 2 a conceptual and theoretical framework for inquiring into social investors' collaboration strategies to develop the field of shareholder resolutions on social issues. The key argument is researchers pay attention to focal actors, multiple actors, and the relationships among them to understand the social mechanisms which integrate active shareholders with the field of social resolutions. In order to determine social investors' strategies to initiate and mobilize their filing activities, based on the social movement perspectives and a social network approach, I propose four conceptual dimensions from the social movement perspectives: identity, social relationships, target identification, and issue framing. In two empirical studies, I test my propositions by analyzing 1650 shareholder resolutions filed by 267 social investors from 2002 to 2007. The first study presented in chapter 4 addresses who initiate social resolution filings, by examining determinants of social investors' proactive initiating activities. When religious investors have brokerage positions, their initiating activity of filing social resolutions are very proactive. However, social investors' range of stock ownership does not go along with their brokerage positions. These findings imply that leading social investors need to have brokerage positions when they have faith-based identity, but that they don't need social resources when they have enough financial resources, a wide range of stocks. The second study presented in chapter 5 explains how leading social investors attract to mobilize their potential followers. Interestingly, the reciprocation hypothesis, "give and take of co-filing support," is negatively supported, indicating a division of labor in the field of social resolutions. In addition, lead-filing social investors who successfully attract and mobilize other investors aim at target companies that are well known among other social investors, and frame issues in wide angles in their social resolutions. These empirical studies demonstrate that active social investors developed their collaboration networks dependent upon their faith-based identity, social relations, targets identification and issue framing strategies. In this dissertation, I assert the necessity and importance of studies on the activities of shareholders by demonstrating that some active investors have strategically led the socially responsible investment movement. This dissertation provides counter-evidence to the conventional assumption that corporate managers should ignore stakeholder welfare if they pursue shareholder value. It also demonstrates that the network-based movements can be a good platform for social change agents to develop their own fields. Strategically, as they interact with each other, small and weak actors can build their own field to collectively influence corporate management. In this sense, the network-based movements underscore the way the infrastructure of a field emerges. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. Carroll School of Management. / Discipline: Organization Studies and Corporate Responsibility.

Esta tese retrata uma trajetória: parte da análise da apropriação da natureza e do conhecimento na pesca, analisa o território enquanto instrumento de gestão nas pescarias e as propostas do movimento social dos pescadores. Busca apreender as proposições surgidas no interior da categoria dos pequenos produtores pesqueiros para a gestão das pescarias e o papel que os chamados produtores pesqueiros artesanais possuem como agentes de um novo modelo para o setor pesqueiro. Formatar este modelo deve levar em consideração três elementos fundamentais : o conhecimento que pescadores possuem sobre a natureza, o território enquanto instrumento de gestão e a politização do movimento de pescadores. Este trabalho se estrutura em cinco momentos. Inicia-se com uma breve caracterização da pesquisa e das questões propostas pela Geografia que serão utilizadas no encadeamento deste trabalho. O segundo momento analisa o setor pesqueiro em sua evolução recente e a caracterização da crise que permeia a atividade pesqueira. O terceiro momento analisa a formação do pescador e o conhecimento produzido na relação com os elementos naturais, formando um campo de conhecimento fundamental para um modelo de gestão que leve em conta a especificidade da relação sociedade e natureza no setor pesqueiro. O quarto momento analisa a questão territorial nas pescarias. Comporta escalas variadas e fundamenta-se em algumas propostas de gestão de pescarias baseadas no território. O quinto momento retrata os pescadores em seu movimento social. Movimento em seu sentido amplo, formal ou informal, concreto, de idéias, na busca de afirmar seu papel enquanto sujeitos sociais e políticos. Traçado este percurso, o trabalho aponta para princípios de gestão das pescarias, como possíveis caminhos para a reprodução do setor. / The present thesis reflects a trajectory: it starts with the analysis of the tenure of nature and the experience with fishing, analyses the territory as a management tool in fishing and ends with proposals from the fishermen's social movement. It aims at understanding the proposals arising from the category of small scale fishermen for the management of fishing activities and the role that the so-called artisanal fishing has as an agent of a new model for the fishing sector. Formatting this model should take into consideration three fundamental elements: the knowledge that fishermen have of nature, the territory as a management tool and the politicization of the fishermen’s social movement. This study comprises five moments. In the first moment there is a brief characterization of the research and the questions put forward by Geography, which will be carried out in the making of this research. In the second moment it analyses the fishing sector in its recent developments and the characterization of the crisis which permeates the fishing activity. In the third moment it analyses the formation of fishermen and their knowledge arising from their relation with natural elements, thus building a fundamental basis for a management model which bears in mind the specificity of the relation between society and nature in that sector In the fourth moment it analyses the issue of territory in fishing activities, which involves various steps and is based on some proposals for fishing management with territory control. In the fifth moment it portrays fishermen in their social movements – movement here understood in its wider sense, either formal or informal, either concrete or based on ideas - aiming at asserting their role as social and political subjects. As this trajectory is over, this research points at fishing management principles as possible ways for the continuity of the activities in the sector.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo compreender os conflitos no interior das práticas sociais e estratégias de luta nos processos de formação e de organização em assentamentos rurais, e seus desdobramentos entre trabalhadores assentados, lideranças e representantes no assentamento da Fazenda Jupira, no município de Porto Feliz (São Paulo), de 1986 até 2006. Na construção da pesquisa buscamos entender o assentamento como espaço social que pode ser expresso nas relações de tensões e conflitos que podem ser desvendadas nas práticas sociais, nas estratégias de luta, impregnadas de simbologias (re)encontros de culturas, espaço de representação e legitimação dos sujeitos sociais. Definimos como área de estudo o Assentamento da Fazenda Jupira, localizado em Porto Feliz/SP, pertencente à Companhia Agrícola, Imobiliária e Colonizadora (CAIC). Optamos pelas entrevistas semi-estruturadas e análises documentais que nos permitiram compreender as várias facetas do conflito. As análises revelam-nos que o conflito no interior das práticas sociais e das estratégias de luta proporciona a incorporação de mecanismos que possibilitam questionamentos de valores seculares (clientelismo, paternalismo), além de instrumentalizar os camponeses com outros conteúdos democráticos que são estruturadores de identidades coletivas. Concluímos que, as práticas e estratégias como: reuniões, assembléias, passeatas, associações, cooperativas e outras redimensionam o universo simbólico, cultural, político e econômico dos assentados e questionam a vida pregressa dos mesmos. / This work intends to understand the conflicts inside in the social practices and the ways of strategies to improve the development process and the organization in the rurals settlements, and his development between settlements laborers, leaders and representatives in settlements from Jupira farm, in Porto Feliz city (São Paulo State), in the period from 1986 until 2006. In the construction of the research we looked for to understand the settlements as social space that it can be expressed in the relationships with tensions, conflicts and they can be unmasked in the social practices, in the ways of strategies, impregnated with symbolic themes, meetings of cultures space of representation and legitimation of social subjects. We defined as study area Jupira Farm Establishment, located in Porto Feliz city (SP), belonging to the Agricultural Company, Real estate and Settler (CAIC). We opted for the semi-structured interviews and documental analyses that we allowed to understand us many facets of conflict. The analyses show us that the conflict inside the social practices and the ways of strategies provides the incorporation of mechanisms that make possible request of secular values (customers, fatherhood), besides it, give tools to the farmer workers with other democratic subjects that are structures of collective identities. We concluded that the practices and strategies like: meetings, assemblies, marches, associations, cooperatives and others, re-structure the symbolic universe, cultural, political and economical of those settlements and they ask about their lifetime before.

La Tunisie est passée d’un régime autoritaire à un régime pluraliste et libéral. Pour autant, est ce que les associations tunisiennes ont changé leur rapport au politique ? A partir d’une étude monographique à Tozeur dans le sud tunisien, le présent travail de recherche appréhende les processus de politisation à travers l’action et l’engagement associatif et leur évolution après ce qu’il est commun d’appeler la « révolution ». La politisation est appréhendée à travers une triple approche. La première porte sur les trajectoires individuelles de l’engagement et les formes d’imbrication ou de rupture avec les carrières militantes de type partisan. La deuxième porte sur les modalités de participation à la construction et la production de l’action publique. La troisième sur le niveau de prise en compte des rapports sociaux de domination.En régime autoritaire, les associations représentaient soit un instrument du système clientélaire de parti unique, soit un espace politique de substitution faisant l’objet d’une politique de domestication. Dans ce contexte, les associations ont été largement absentes de la dynamique insurrectionnelle. Néanmoins, la révolution a contribué à bouleverser le cadre institutionnel. L’institutionnalisation de la participation de la société civile relève d’un processus de normalisation de la logique révolutionnaire.Les associations se retrouvent alors au centre de la gestion politico-administrative du pouvoir local en étant un vecteur essentiel de production des notabilités locales. La promotion de la société civile et l’institutionnalisation des associations conduit paradoxalement à des formes de mise sous tutelle, non plus de l’Etat mais des organisations internationales, qui laissent peu de marges de manœuvre pour une co-construction de l’action publique. Dans ce contexte, si certaines associations sont porteuses d’un discours émancipateur à l’égard de groupes sociaux, elles contribuent malgré elle à des formes de reproductions des rapports sociaux inégalitaires. / Tunisia has moved from an authoritarian to a pluralistic and liberal regime. However, have Tunisian associations changed their relationship to politics and policies? Based on a monographic study in Tozeur in southern Tunisia, the present piece studies the processes of politicization through civic engagement and action and their evolution after what is commonly called the "revolution". Politicization is apprehended through a threefold approach. The first relates to the individual trajectories of engagement and to forms of overlapping or breaking with party-oriented career. The second concerns the modalities of participation in the construction and production of public action. The third concerns the degree of consideration of forces of social domination.Under the authoritarian regime, associations were either an instrument of the single-party clientel system or an alternative political space subject to domestication policy. In this context, associations were largely absent from the insurrectionary dynamics. Nevertheless, the revolution paved the way to major changes of the institutional framework. The institutionalization of the participation of civil society is a process of normalization of revolutionary logic.The associations are then at the center of the politico-administrative management of the local power being an essential vector of production of the local notables. The promotion of civil society and the institutionalization of associations paradoxically lead to place them under the tutelage, not of the State but of the international donors, which gives little room for maneuver to co-constructing public action. In this context, while some associations hold an emancipatory discourse with regard to certain social groups, they unwillingly contribute to reproduce forces of social inequalities.

Against all odds, in uncertain and violent times, Colombian women are mobilising for gender justice. They do so even when they face ongoing violence and personal threats from a variety of armed actors. The questions arise: how and why do women mobilise in contexts of high violence and insecurity? Despite a well-established tradition of studying women's social movements in times of conflict, and of high risk collective action more generally, there is a lacuna when it comes to analysing feminism as a mobilisation strategy. My research uses the case studies of the Liga de las Mujeres Desplazadas (League of Displaced Women, LMD), and AFROMUPAZ (Afro-Colombian Women for Peace) to illustrate the utility of an original framework - High Risk Feminism - to explain how and why women chose to act collectively, despite the real and threatened dangers that this implies. The thesis further looks to a similar setting (an invaded neighbourhood in Riohacha, La Guajira) where displaced women do not mobilise, in order to strengthen the parameters of the HRF framework. In all, it posits that we will see a specifically feminist type of mobilisation emerge when a leader is able to form a charismatic bond with participants by framing participation as 'worth it' in a domain of losses, despite the risks this incurs.