Este é um estudo que analisa o comportamento internacional do Brasil desde o fim da Guerra Fria até o início da primeira década deste século. Em particular, trata-se de uma investigação sobre as percepções dos formuladores da política externa brasileira sobre as mudanças na distribuição de poder no mundo e o reflexo dessas percepções na relação do Brasil com os Estados Unidos, com a região e com os principais regimes e instituições internacionais. / This is a study of Brazils international behavior from the end of the Cold War to the beginning of the first decade of this century. The investigation focuses on Brazils foreign policy elite, with an emphasis on their perceptions about the changes on the international system and the impacts of these perceptions on Brazils relations with the United States, with its own region and with leading international regimes and institutions.

Considéré comme un tournant dans l'histoire de la Syrie moderne, les raisons qui ont conduit Housni al-Zaim, Commandant des Forces Armées Syriennes en 1949, à effectuer son coup contre le président Kouatli, ce qui l’a conduit à prendre les décisions qui ont été les siennes sur le plan syrien mais surtout au niveau de la géopolitique moyen-orientale, restent ouvertes aux interprétations. L'objectif de cette thèse de doctorat est de fournir une nouvelle interprétation historique de l'interaction entre le principal protagoniste du premier coup d’Etat en Syrie, Housni al-Zaim, d'une part, et les acteurs moyen-orientaux et internationaux d'autre part, à travers l'étude de sources précédemment inexploitées et le réexamen de certaines déjà étudiées. Méthodologiquement, nous employons l'approche de Collingwood, « l’histoire étant le vécu, par l’historien, des pensées passées de son sujet d’étude », en nous penchant ainsi sur la reconstruction progressive des expériences de tous ceux qui furent impliqués dans les évènements du premier coup d’Etat de 1949, pour pouvoir nous prononcer sur la nature de la relation et de l’interaction, tout au long du régime d’al-Zaim avec les puissances étrangères, et jusqu’à quel point cette relation et interaction a-t-elle influencé le déroulement des événements. Notre étude s'appuie sur un large éventail de sources qui compose ainsi notre inventaire, et qui comprendra le plus grand nombre de mémoires et témoignages de personnalités et d'acteurs-clés rédigés en langue arabe, complétés par des rapports des services de renseignements libanais et américains, ainsi que par des documents d’archives diplomatiques françaises, britanniques et américaines. / Although considered to be a turning point in the history of modern Syria, the reasons that led Housni al-Zaim, the commander of the Syrian Armed Forces in 1949, to effectuate his coup against President Kouatli, as well as the reasons that led him to take the decisions he did in the course of his reign, decisions that both impacted Syria and Middle Eastern geopolitics, remained open to speculation. The objective of this doctoral dissertation is to provide a new historical interpretation of the interaction between Syria’s first coup d’Etat’s main protagonist – Husni al-Zaim, on one hand, and the regional and international actors on the other, an interaction that has long been a matter of discussion and speculation, through the study of previously untapped sources and the re-examination of some that have already been studied. Methodologically, we are employing Collingwood’s approach of history as the historian’s re-living of his subject’s past experience, by using a select number of sources to understand al-Zaim’s approach towards regional and international relations, in an attempt to first reconstruct the personal experiences of al-Zaim, and as much as possible, all of those of the protagonists of the events that his rule witnessed, so as to finally give our verdict on the extent to which this interaction with foreign actors influenced the turn of the events that his rule witnessed. Our study draws on a wide range of sources making up our inventory, which includes the largest number of memoirs and testimonies of key figures and actors written in Arabic, complemented with Lebanese and American intelligence reports, as well as with French, British and American diplomatic documents.

Cette thèse contribue à la connaissance d’une organisation internationale méconnue du système-monde socialiste entre 1949 et 1991, le Conseil d’Aide Economique Mutuelle (CAEM). Elle mobilise simultanément plusieurs fonds d’archives – du CAEM lui-même, de la RDA, de la Stasi et de l’ONU -, et rompt avec les monographies nationales sur la participation d’un Etat à son activité. Au prisme du CAEM et des réseaux d’acteurs qu’il met en place, c’est la notion même de « bloc » de l’Est qui est interrogée. L’organisation est en effet une vitrine de la cohésion et de la solidarité du monde socialiste pendant la Guerre froide. L’étude examine la place du CAEM dans un espace en construction et en quête de légitimation au cours de la seconde moitié du XXème siècle. Le rôle du CAEM dans les échanges économiques entre pays socialistes est d’abord mis en lumière. L’organisation élabore son propre modèle d’économie internationale socialiste. Pourtant, un découplage stratégique s’opère entre l’intérêt du CAEM dans l’affrontement symbolique avec le monde capitaliste et son incapacité pratique à assurer la modernisation des économies socialistes. L’étude des mécanismes de spatialisation du « bloc », de structuration de réseaux d’experts par delà les frontières et de production de discours sur l’économie internationale socialiste permet alors de proposer une socio-histoire transnationale de l’évolution des pratiques professionnelles d’une catégorie d’acteurs spécifiques. Les agents du CAEM comptent parmi les rares individus qui, dans le monde socialiste, développent une acculturation transnationale leur permettant véritablement de considérer le « bloc » comme un espace approprié. / This thesis contributes to the knowledge about the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (Comecon, CMEA), the little-known international organization of the socialist world-system, from 1949 to 1991. Unlike most historical monographs analysing the individual member States’ contribution to Comecon activities, this study draws on different archive materials – from Comecon itself, the GDR, the Stasi and the UN. Analysing Comecon through the prism of the networks of actors that emerged in the institutional framework it provided, it is the very notion of an Eastern “bloc” that is questioned. The organization was a showcase of the cohesion and solidarity of the socialist world during the Cold War. The study deals with its role in a space under construction and seeking legitimation in the second half of the 20th century. It first casts a light on the role of Comecon in the economic relations of the socialist countries. The organization developed its own model of an international socialist economy. However, a strategic decoupling appeared between the importance of Comecon in the symbolic competition with the capitalist world and its helplessness to ensure the modernization of socialist economies. The study of the spatialization of the “bloc”, the structuration of expert networks beyond the national boarders and the production of discourses on international socialist economy leads to a transnational socio-histoire of specific Comecon agents. Comecon servants counted among the few people in the socialist world, who were able to develop a transnational acculturation that allowed them to truly consider the “bloc” as an appropriated term of reference and space of development.

Esta tese tem como objetivo analisar as discussões sobre a identidade ibero-americana realizadas por intelectuais nas revistas Cuadernos Americanos (CA) e Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos (CH) no período de 1942 a 1955. Também faz parte deste trabalho o estudo das análises propostas por esses intelectuais sobre as relações entre Ibero-América, Estados Unidos e Espanha nos contextos da II Guerra Mundial e da Guerra Fria. Embora se interessassem pelo mesmo foco (a Ibero-América), ambas as publicações tiveram origens e propostas distintas: as duas atuaram em campos ideológicos opostos e se constituíram como armas de luta política. CA foi gestada por um grupo de intelectuais mexicanos e exilados espanhóis que se identificavam com o republicanismo, e, portanto, eram opositores ferrenhos do franquismo; CH surgiu posteriormente, com vistas a ampliar as bases de apoio do regime franquista no Continente latino-americano, já que a Espanha estava isolada desde o final da Segunda Guerra em virtude de sua anterior identificação com a ideologia nazi-fascista e com um governo autoritário e simpático ao Eixo. / This thesis presents an analysis of the debates around Iberian-American identity accomplished by intellectuals in the magazines Cuadernos Americanos (CA) and Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos (CH), in the years 1942 to 1955. This works also examines the analysis proposed by these intellectuals about the relationship between Iberian-American, United States and Spain during World War II and the Cold War. Although the magazines had the same focus in Iberian-America, they had distinct origins and proposals: both served as political instrument in opposite ideological terrains. CA was created by a group of intellectuals (Mexicans and Spanish in exile) in a hard opposition to Franquismo; CH appeared later aiming to enlarge the Latin-American support of Francos regime, as this was isolated since the end of WWII due to Francos authoritarianism and Nazi-Fascist alignment.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ANA ROBERTA FERREIRA FAVARO.pdf: 1083288 bytes, checksum: 74a385eff46f9163e0f0af99506e092d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-08 / The history of human rights is reflected in a series of social movements and revolutions that have sought to be heard, and have their rights affirmed and respected. Throughout history, the world has been a scenario of such struggles, from the Liberal Revolutions to the recent Arab Spring. Therefore, it is in the context of this historical and social evolution of human rights that many rights have been internationalized and have become protected and promoted in domestic legal systems. In order to study democracy as a constitutionally safeguarded human right by Brazilian, Chilean and Argentinean laws, it is required to study the influence of the Cold War and the US policy to support the military dictatorships that happened in these countries, taking into account the serious human right violations that occurred during these years. Thus, from these studies, to be able to prove that democracy is a fundamental human right that is the result of the struggle for democracy in the Southern Cone, especially in these three major countries. / A história dos direitos humanos se traduz em uma série de movimentos sociais e revoluções que buscam ser ouvidos e ter seus direitos afirmados ou respeitados. Ao longo da história, o mundo foi cenário dessas lutas, desde as Revoluções Liberais até a recente Primavera Árabe. É, portanto, no contexto dessa evolução histórica e social dos direitos humanos que muitos direitos se internacionalizaram e passaram a ser protegidos e promovidos no ordenamento jurídico interno dos países. Para estudar a democracia como direito humano constitucionalmente tutelado pelos ordenamentos jurídicos do Brasil, Chile e Argentina, estuda-se a influência da Guerra Fria e a política estadunidense como influenciadores diretos na eclosão dos golpes militares nesses países, levando em consideração as graves violações de direitos humanos ocorridas à época. Assim, por esses estudos, pode-se afirmar que a democracia é um direito humano fundamental, fruto da luta pela redemocratização no Cone Sul, especialmente nesses três países.

A unificação Alemã, ocorrida ao longo dos anos 1980, culminou na derrubada do muro de Berlim em 1989, foi o resultado do processo de ruptura e desagregação advindo da derrota do Eixo na Segunda Guerra Mundial (19391945), associado à fragmentação gerada da partilha do território alemão entre os aliados (particularmente entre Estados Unidos e União soviética, e dos movimentos geopolíticos da Guerra Fria). O colapso da Guerra Fria unificou a Alemanha dividida, e esta é resultado da Guerra Fria. Esta dissertação busca captar e perceber um momento de reconstituição do território alemão em um contexto em que este é não apenas estrategicamente relevante para o desenvolvimento do Capitalismo em sua fase de expansão globalista, mas também para o posicionamento estratégico dos diferentes territórios na miríade da União Europeia. A Alemanha se unificou, em 1990, assim, não apenas pelo interesse dos alemães, mas pelo interesse dos Europeus e do próprio Capital. Este é um estudo sobre os aspectos históricoeconômicos das características, condições e impactos do processo de reintegração territorial da Alemanha, ocorrida ao longo dos últimos decênios do século XXI. / The process of German unification during the 1980s, culminating in the overthrow of the Berlin wall in 1989, was the result of the dialectical process of rupture and disintegration arising from the defeat of the Axis in World War II (19391945), associated with the fragmentation generated by the sharing of German territory between the allies (particularly between the United States and the Soviet Union, and the geopolitical territory, and the geopolitical movements of the Cold War). The collapse of the Cold War unified Germany divided territory, and this is a result of the Cold War. This dissertation seeks to capture and perceive a moment of reconstitution of German territory in a context in which it is not only strategically relevant for the development of Capitalism in its phase of globalist expansion but also for the strategic positioning of the different territories in the myriad of the European Union. Germany was unified in 1990, thus, not only by the interest of the Germans, but by the interest of the Eupeans and of the Capital itself. This is a study on the historicaleconomic aspects of the characteristics, conditions and impacts of this process of territorial reintegration of Germany, which occurred during the last decades of the 21st century.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Francisco dos Santos.pdf: 3253109 bytes, checksum: bd77bc157b8ef496b790f21e98dc6c87 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-01-28 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This research had as finality to reflect about the relation Brazil and Angola in the diplomatic, economic, social and cultural aspects, through a documentation of the Itamaraty and bibliography pertinent to the period between 1974 until the current days. We observed that the work is going to concentrate itself in the report produced by the Brazilian embassy in Lisbon, in the year of 1974, to the Brazilian Ministry of Exterior Relations regarding the Carnation Revolution and, mainly, the situation of the independence processes of the African countries, which, until that moment, were called Overseas Provinces . We registered in the following year the diplomatic documents produced mainly by the Brazilian Representation in Angola throughout the year of 1975, led by the diplomat Ovídeo de Andrade Melo. In a second moment, we analyzed the documents of the Itamaraty from 1976 until 1983. The other periods are covered by bibliography and depositions concerning the relation Brazil and Angola / pesquisa teve por finalidade refletir a respeito da relação Brasil e Angola nos aspectos diplomáticos, econômicos, sociais e culturais, por meio de documentação do Itamaraty e bibliografia pertinente ao período entre1974 até os dias atuais. Observamos que o trabalho irá concentrar-se no relatório produzido pela Embaixada brasileira em Lisboa, no ano de 1974 para o Ministério das Relações Exteriores do Brasil a respeito da Revolução dos Cravos e principalmente sobre a situação do processo de independências dos países africanos que até aquele momento eram chamadas de Províncias Ultramarinas . Registramos no ano posterior os documentos diplomáticos produzidos principalmente pela Representação Brasileira em Angola ao longo do no de 1975, liderado pelo o diplomata Ovídeo de Andrade Melo. Em um segundo momento, analisamos documentos do Itamaraty de 1976 até 1983. Os demais períodos são recobertos por bibliografia e depoimentos referentes a relação Brasil e Angola

This dissertation explores how literary translators mediated cultural diplomacy between the U.S. and China during the Cold War period. Focusing on best-selling bilingual authors Lin Yutang, Eileen Chang, Hua-ling Nieh Engle, and Jade Snow Wong, I show how these “cold warriors” negotiated political boundaries, concepts, and agendas while they wrote and translated literary texts. Their works, usually divided into Asian vs. Asian American literature, are here productively read together as pawns in the same ideological struggle, even as they exceed the traditional bounds of Cold War periodization, polarized nation-states, and disciplinary canons. Together, they evince new forms of transnational cultural production that shaped policies of containment, propaganda, resistance, de-colonialism, and racialization. This project thus theorizes translation as its own process of ideology-formation, rather than overlooking it as a mere medium for communication. In the end, examining linguistic exchange in the Cold War redefines what we conceive of as Asian-American, by reconfiguring the outright ideological struggle between Democracy and Communism as an equivocal conflict in the space opened up by translation.

A presente dissertação analisa dois filmes norte-americanos produzidos e distribuídos pelo estúdio Warner Bros., ambos baseados em histórias reais, que de distintas formas representaram, seja de forma idealista ou condenatória, a União Soviética, o Comunismo e os membros do Partido Comunista dos Estados Unidos (CPUSA). O primeiro, Missão em Moscou, dirigido pelo já renomado Michael Curtiz e lançado no contexto da Segunda Guerra Mundial, apresenta evidências de ter sido feito sob a tutela tanto da agência governamental Birô do Cinema- Secretaria de Informação da Guerra quanto do presidente dos Estados Unidos à época, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Pela forma como interpretou fatos da história da Rússia e por sua campanha do país como membro dos países Aliados, o filme recebeu a denominação de pró-soviético pela literatura que o estudou. Já o segundo, Eu Fui um Comunista para o FBI, lançado apenas oito anos após Missão em Moscou, mas já no contexto da Guerra Fria, evidenciou, por outro lado, a tentativa da companhia cinematográfica em se alinhar à atmosfera de repúdio ao Comunismo reinante em boa parte da opinião pública norte-americana no período, bem como de tentar afastar as acusações do Comitê de Atividade Antiamericanas (HUAC) da presença dentro de Hollywood de elementos subversivos e de sua propaganda. Por sua representação, filmes como Eu Fui um Comunista para o FBI, recorrentes na década de 1950, foram denominados anticomunistas. O estudo aqui empreendido inicia-se com a caracterização da indústria cinematográfica em Hollywood na época de sua chamada Era Clássica (1930- 1948), primeiro capítulo; passando pelas análises fílmicas e de contexto de ambas as obras, resultando no capítulo dois e três; para encerrar-se, no último capítulo, com as considerações sobre a recepção das duas obras, levando para isso em conta as produções de significado de três agentes: os críticos cinematográficos; o seu público espectador, e os seus números de bilheteria. Por fim, nas considerações finais, colocamos em comparação a obra pró-soviética e anticomunista no tocante às suas diferenças, bem como similitudes, nas estratégias para a representação das personagens envolvidas em suas tramas. / This thesis analyses two American movies produced and distributed by Warner Bros. Studios. Both are based on true stories, that used different depictions, one in an idealized way and the other condemnatory, of the Soviet Union, of the Communism and of the members of the Communist Party of the United States. The first film, Mission to Moscow, directed by Michael Curtiz and released in the context of World War II, presents evidence that it was fostered by the governmental war agency, the Bureau of Motion Pictures Office of War Information and by the president of the United States himself at that time, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Due to its interpretation of recent facts in Russian history and because of its propagandistic campaign to generate a better understanding of this country among Americans, historians and film theorists have classified the picture as pro-Soviet. The second movie, I Was a Communist for the FBI, whose premiere occurred only eight years after Mission to Moscow, showed, on the other hand, Warner Bros. attempt to realign itself to the atmosphere of anticommunism perpetrated by the majority of American public opinion and also to deny any accusation that the motion picture industry was full of subversive elements and their propaganda. When considered for its representation and depiction of Communism, movies like I Was a Communist for the FBI, very common in the 1950s, was denominated anticommunist. We divided this work into four parts. We start in the first chapter by exploring the motion picture industry in Hollywood during what was called the Golden Age (1930 1948). Then, we move to the film analyses of both pictures, the content of chapters two and three; in chapter four we study the reception of the two feature films, using as elements of measure the productions of meaning of three different agents: the critics, the spectator and the box-office numbers. Finally, in Conclusions, we compare Mission to Moscow and I Was a Communist for the FBI, aiming to observe them in the light of their differences but also of their similarities in the strategies used for the representation of the characters in the stories.

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-05T19:31:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Ulisses de Figueiredo Silva.pdf: 897802 bytes, checksum: 26dd34c15630b316ae0c0bdb68165947 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-05T19:31:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Ulisses de Figueiredo Silva.pdf: 897802 bytes, checksum: 26dd34c15630b316ae0c0bdb68165947 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-17 / FAPERJ / This work is an analysis of one filmic source produced in 1968: Planet of the Apes. Such an analysis is not exempt from use of own tools for film analysis, like watching the positioning of cameras, the choice of background music, framing and photography. However, they were directed to us to understand in more detail the film in its historical context. The work holds up to understand the intentions of the producers every moment of the film, trying to report such motivations for political, ideological and economic momentum experienced in the 1960s social differences, religious and morality issues are exposed in the film and work to maintain their relationship with the historical issues involved. The Cold War, therefore, is the imagination that guides us to the shooting script of the film, being our purpose to show it as a production endowed with own historical characteristics to its time of production. While corroborate the importance of a cinematographic work as a historical source - a question which naturally arises with the production of this work - demonstrate features of its production decade to accomplish your analysis. In particular, we treat the film's relationship with the so-called nuclear fear. Fear exists in this decade about the possibility of a global nuclear conflict permeates the production of our chosen source, making her a representative of the expectations of their respected for the future of planet Earth. Our research uses as the main source of the film which worked through us for analysis. We also use the book by Pierre Boulle, in which production is based and documentary about the film, so we can have broad perspective to work with our analysis. / Este trabalho trata de uma an?lise sobre uma fonte f?lmica produzida no ano de 1968: Planet of the Apes. Tal an?lise n?o se exime da utiliza??o de ferramentas pr?prias ? an?lise cinematogr?fica, como a observa??o do posicionamento de c?meras, a escolha de fundo musical, enquadramento e fotografia. Contudo, foram elas direcionadas para que possamos compreender de forma mais detalhada o filme em seu contexto hist?rico. O trabalho det?m-se ? compreens?o das inten??es dos produtores a cada momento do filme, buscando sinalizar tais motiva??es para o momento pol?tico, ideol?gico e econ?mico vivido na d?cada de 1960. Diferen?as sociais, religiosas e quest?es de moralismo s?o expostas no filme e trabalhamos para manter sua rela??o com as quest?es hist?ricas envolvidas. A Guerra Fria, portanto, ? o imagin?rio que nos norteia para a decupagem do filme, sendo nosso prop?sito demonstr?-lo enquanto uma produ??o dotada de caracter?sticas hist?ricas pr?prias ? sua ?poca de produ??o. Enquanto corroboramos a import?ncia de uma obra cinematogr?fica como fonte hist?rica ? quest?o essa que surge naturalmente com a produ??o desse trabalho ?, demonstramos caracter?sticas de sua d?cada de produ??o ao realizarmos sua an?lise. Em especial, tratamos a rela??o do filme com o chamado medo nuclear. O medo existente em tal d?cada acerca da possibilidade de um conflito nuclear global permeia a produ??o de nossa fonte escolhida, tornando ela uma representante da expectativa de seus produtores para o futuro do planeta Terra. Nossa pesquisa utiliza como fonte principal o filme sobre o qual nos debru?amos para a an?lise. Utilizamos tamb?m do livro de Pierre Boulle, no qual a produ??o se baseou e document?rios acerca do filme, para que possamos ter ampla perspectiva que colabore com nossa an?lise.