Sverige befann sig i en tid där andra världskriget fortfarande var i färskt minne. Geografiskt ligger landet centralt placerad mellan två supermakter, och det råder en spänd stämning i det internationella säkerhetspolitiska läget. Det svenska luftrummet har en stor strategisk betydelse i en internationell kontext. Med förtroendeskapande löften om alliansfrihet och ett avskräckande initiativ i form en av världens starkaste flygvapen försöker Sverige hålla sig utanför eventuella väpnade konflikter. Alliansfrihet syftande till neutralitet i krig är den officiella säkerhetspolitiska ställning Sverige har haft i nästan 200 år, och inte minst under två världskrig. Detta arv försökte Sveriges politiker föra vidare för att skona svenska liv. Paradoxalt nog har Sverige som suveränt land gjort analysen att förstärkningar måste tillföras utifrån ifall landet blir invaderad av en motståndare. Det uppstår ett dilemma mellan att bibehålla alliansfrihet och ett beroende av väst. Denna uppsats är en komparativ litteraturstudie som tar sin utgångspunkt i en statlig utredning och oberoende forskare för att skapa ett underlag för att belysa den balansgång mellan alliansfrihet och de västorienterade flygoperativa förberedelserna. Uppsatsens frågeställningar är; Vad finns det för likheter och skillnader mellan forskarna och SOU 1994:11 i fråga om synsätt och slutsatser? Hur kan man uppfatta och tolka gränsområdet mellan flygoperativa förberedelser och alliansfrihet? Med hjälp av de teoretiska modellerna ”avskräckning och förtroendeskapande” samt ”integration och avskärmning” åskådliggörs den balansgång som Sverige använde sig av för att hålla vårt land utanför krig och väpnade konflikter. / Sweden found itself in an era when World War II was still fresh in memory. Geographically the country is centrally located between two superpowers, and there is a tense atmosphere in the international community. The Swedish air space has a high strategic importance. By using Neutrality and one of the world's strongest air force Sweden is trying to stay out of armed conflicts. To be neutral has been Sweden official political statement for almost 200 years, not least during two world wars. At the same time Sweden has made the analysis that reinforcements has to be acquired if the country finds itself being invaded. Sweden struggle with the dilemma between maintaining neutrality and a dependence on the West. This paper is a comparative literature study based on a government inquiry and independent researchers. This paper aims to illustrate how the gray area in this very complex security dilemma can be interpreted. The main questions are these: What are the similarities and differences between scientists and SOU 1994:11 in terms of their approach and conclusions? How can one understand and interpret the border area between the flight preparation and non-alignment? With the help of the theoretical models "deterrence and confidence-building measurements" and "integration and independent" this papers illustrates the balancing act that Sweden had to accomplish in order to stay out of conflicts in the Cold War.

This project examines the foreign policy rhetoric of Bill Clinton in the post-Cold War world. My reading of Clinton’s rhetoric reveals that a change/order binary underwrote his oratory. Clinton defined change as being the underlying guidepost of the post-Cold War international setting. Order was defined through how he could guide, shape, direct, and manage American foreign policy in a sea of change, represented through his use of what I call America’s foreign policy vocabulary. This lexicon is based on three rhetorical components—the definitions of America’s role in the world, identification of the enemies we face, and the grand strategy we use to achieve American interest—have been a resource for presidential foreign policy discourse since America’s founding. Clinton’s use of this vocabulary maintained continuity in its use with his predecessors, but he also modified it in key ways to deal with the changes of the global environment. These modifications positioned Clinton to direct and manage the change to serve American interests which offered a semblance of order for American foreign policy in a sea of international disorder.

This thesis spotlights eleven formative moments or ‘events' in the history of twentieth-century art music in Greece. They date from 1908 to 1979 and are ordered by two master narratives, the ‘Great Idea' and the ‘European Idea', concepts with multifarious implications for the making of contemporary Greece. The nature of the musical works presented during these events, the particular kind of reception they received, the debates they generated, and the role their composers hoped they would play in the construction of a contemporary Greek musical identity are some of the indicative issues that will be discussed, and always in relation to the prevailing political and social context. More specifically, I will try to show by way of these events how politics and culture were inextricably tied together. In some cases the events directly mirrored the political divisions and social tensions of their time, while in others they formed an easy (‘innocent') prey to political agendas – indigenous and foreign – that were at some remove from matters aesthetic. The discussion of these historical moments in the concert life of Greece is partly based on secondary sources, but it is also supported by extensive archival research. It is hoped that both the general approach and the new findings will enrich and update the existing literature in English, and that they may even serve to stimulate further research in the music history of other countries located in the so-called margins of Europe.

"Media cold warriors of Operation Pedro Pan" is a case study in which I examine the impact of 1960s Cold War rhetoric on contemporary U.S.-Cuba policy. In my report, I contextualize the 1960s covert U.S. endeavor Operation Pedro Pan and draw parallels between the media portrayals of Pedro Pan children from the 60s and the discourse utilized by adult Pedro Panes today to market their immigration experience to contemporary voters and younger generations of Cuban Americans. Operation Pedro Pan was intended to undermine the Castro Government and accomplish democracy in 1960s Cuba. I argue, however, that because of the contemporary publicity surrounding Pedro Panes and their use of the same Cold War rhetoric to characterize their immigration experiences, the children of Operation Pedro Pan will ultimately prevent the same achievement of democracy in Cuba that the covert endeavor purported to accomplish in the 1960s. / text

Adopting a socio-cultural approach to the study of cold war historiography, this master’s degree essay is a comparative study of the two main disciplinary fields of cold war scholarship, diplomatic history and international relations theory (IR). The study applies the theory of scientific development formulated by Thomas Kuhn and the concept of paradigm on the field of cold war research. Diplomatic history and IR shows many similarities in their development, and in the importance different schools has had in scholarly debate. These different schools are analysed as paradigms, a concept that has been more willingly adopted within IR than in diplomatic history. The transition from what historian John Lewis Gaddis has termed Old Cold War History to New Cold War History is discussed in terms of paradigms and paradigm shift. What this shift has meant for historical cold war research is also addressed. With the starting point in conclusions by historian Anders Stephanson, the study also suggests that the predominating view of the cold war during the cold war can be analysed as a paradigm, effecting interpretations and theories about the conflict. As IR scholar Ted Hopf has suggested, the normal science during the cold war prevented IR research from correctly predicting the end of the cold war. From a Kuhnian perspective, an interpretation of the difficulties in communication and scholarly interchange between diplomatic history and IR is offered. The study emphasizes the importance of political and social factors in the development of the different paradigms within the field, and concludes that the goal to become a paradigmatic science might not be attainable, or even desirable, for disciplines such as diplomatic history and IR.

Cybernetics, despite being initially rejected in the Eastern Bloc throughout the 1950s for ideological reasons, rose to a high level of institutional prominence in the 1960s, profoundly influencing state philosophy and economic planning. This thesis is an examination of this transition, charting the development of cybernetics from the object of the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands’s (SED) opprobrium to one of the major philosophical currents within the party intelligentsia.

The Congo Crisis of the early 1960s served as a satellite conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Scholars have argued about U.S. motivations and interests involved in the Congo Crisis. The major division between scholars is between those who contend the United States acted for national security reasons and those scholars who argue the United States desired to establish a neocolonial regime to protect economic interests pertaining to vast Congolese mineral wealth. The argument of this thesis is that the United States policy in the Congo between 1960 and 1965 focused on installing a friendly regime in the Congo in order to protect its national security interests. This argument lends to the introduction of a new term to classify U.S. actions: pseudocolonialism. The previous term, neocolonialism, denotes a negative connotation based on economic greed and does not satisfactorily explain the motivations of the United States. By examining the value to the United States of Congolese uranium and cobalt as well as Congolese geographic location, the singular explanation of economic greed is weakened.

The impact of the Cold War on architecture in the United States is exemplified in the promotion and construction of fallout shelters. The development of the hydrogen bomb by the United States and Soviet Union in the first half of the 1950s increased fears of the far-reaching effect nuclear war could have on public health and safety. Government agencies, such as the Office of Civil Defense, promoted the widespread construction and use of the fallout shelter as a safeguard against human annihilation in the event of nuclear war. This thesis examines the various types of residential fallout shelters designed by public and private entities. The location of the fallout shelter within the family residence had the largest impact on the style and construction method adopted. This thesis investigates a wide variety of examples and techniques used to encourage fallout shelter construction. An in-depth discussion of the preservation of the residential shelter completes the text, including two examples of current preservation practices. / Nuclear weapons, the Cold War and a need for shelters -- Evolution, promotion and requiremens for residential fallout shelters -- Interior residential shelters -- Exterior residential shelters -- Preservation issues of the residential fallout shelter. / Access to thesis permanently restricted to Ball State community only / Department of Architecture

This thesis explores how the campaign for the The Dwight D. Eisenhower System of Interstate and Defense Highways was a product of the 1950s military-industrial complex, which developed from a nationalist project seeking to confirm American exceptionalism during the early Cold War.

This thesis evaluates the effects of compulsory military service in South Korea on the political behavior of men from a public policy standpoint. I take an institutional point of view on conscription, in that conscription forces the military to accept individuals with minimal screening. Given the distinct set of values embodied by the military, I hypothesize that the military would need a powerful, comprehensive, and fast program of indoctrination to re-socialize civilians into military uniform, trustable enough to be entrusted with a gun or a confidential document. Based on the existence of such a program and related academic literature, I go on to look at how a military attitude has political implications, especially for the security-environment of the Korean peninsula. Given the ideological nature of the inter-Korean conflict, the South Korean military was biased against the liberals, as liberals were most likely to generate policies supporting conciliatory and cooperative measures towards North Korea, like the removal of U.S. forces from South Korea and the repeal of the National Security Laws that outlaw discussion of communism. For an empirical evaluation, I pose the hypothesis that this political bias would manifest itself in the male public via the military’s indoctrinative program. With data from the Korean General Social Survey, the Public Opinion and Foreign Policy, and the South Korean General Election Panel Study, I have found that males respond acutely to specific security issues in favor or against according to the military’s point of view. However, the evidence for an overall bias on political parties generally was inconclusive. The uncertainty was mainly rooted in the fact that liberal parties have strategically avoided speaking out on specific policy issues during election.