No description available.

Depuis quelques années déjà, et en référence aux épistémologies rationalistes de Bachelard, Canguilhem et Popper, les relations entre problèmes, savoirs et apprentissages scientifiques sont au centre de nombreuses recherches didactiques. Au cœur de cela les interactions langagières y tiennent une place de premier choix, ce qui explique notamment l'importance accordée au débat scientifique, et dont la représentation du produit, en termes d'activité problématisante, est rendue possible par la réalisation d'“espaces contraintes et nécessités”, lesquels s'appuient sur la distinction centrale du registre empirique et du registre du modèle [ou des modèles], mais également sur la distinction tout aussi centrale de l'assertorique et de l'apodictique, c'est-à-dire de ce qui relève du contingent et du nécessaire. Reste cependant que, si le débat scientifique semble consacré à la construction du problème en jeu, se pose à présent la question, au sein du cadre conceptuel de la problématisation que nous mobilisons, de la fonction même des investigations empiriques, au regard de leur structure propre : participent-elles encore à la construction du problème en jeu et, le cas échéant, à quelles conditions ? De ces quelques constats, le présent travail de recherche vise donc à la conceptualisation, la mise en œuvre et l'analyse de deux dispositifs didactiques en sciences, et ce dans une classe du cycle de consolidation du premier degré, le tout afin de mettre en évidence les quelques éléments pouvant participer à l'activité de problématisation scientifique engagée, notamment dans l'articulation de la construction à la résolution du problème en jeu. / For several years now, and with reference to the rationalist epistemology of Bachelard, Canguilhem and Popper, the relationship between problem, scientific knowledge and learning is the focus of extensive educational research. Language holds a first choice place at the heart of this interaction, which explains more particularly the importance given to scientific debate, and whose representation of the outcome, in terms of problematizing activity, is enabled by creating “spaces of constraints and needs”, which build on the fundamental distinction of an empirical thesaurus and the thesaurus of the model [or the models], and also on the equally fundamental distinction of the apodictic and assertoric, that is what is the contingency and the necessary. Furthermore, though the scientific debate seems centered around the construction of the problem at stake, another question is raised, within the conceptual framework of problematization that we mobilize, the very function of empirical investigations, according to their own structure : are still involved in the construction of the problem at stake and, where appropriate, under what conditions ? Based on these recent findings, this research work aims at the conceptualization, the implementation and the analysis of two teaching-learning science sequence, in a class of year 9 and 10, so as to highlight some elements which may participate in the scientific case of problematization to be surveyed, more particularly in the articulation of the construction to solve the problem at stake.

<p>This thesis is concerned with three language debates that reached their most crucial peaks in Sweden at the beginning of the twenty-first century: (i) the debate on the promotion of the Swedish language, (ii) the debate on language testing for citizenship, and (iii) the debate on mother tongue instruction. The main scope of the thesis is to take a theoretically multi-pronged approach to these debates trying to shed light on the following aspects: Why did such debates emerge when they did? Which discourses were available in those specific historical moments? Who are the social actors that intervened in these debates? What is at stake for them? What do they claim? What systems of values, ideas and beliefs – i.e. ideologies – underlie such claims? What are the effects in terms of identities, objects of political intervention, commonsensical knowledge and authority that these discourses and ideologies produce?</p><p>Taking Sweden as a case in point, the thesis adds to the existing literature another example of how language debates are the manifestation of conflicts between different language ideologies that struggle for hegemony, thus attempting to impose one specific way of envisaging the management of a nation-state in a time of globalisation. In their outer and most patent facets, these struggles deal with the relationships between languages in today’s Sweden, and how the state, through legislation, should – or should not – regulate such relationships in order to (re)produce some kind of linguistic order. However, the thesis also illustrates that when social actors appeal to a linguistic order, they not only draw boundaries between different languages in a given society, but they also bring into existence a social world in which the speakers of those languages come to occupy specific social positions. These linguistic and social hierarchies, in turn, are imbricated in an often implicit moral regime of what counts as good or bad, acceptable or taboo in that society.</p>

<p>After Sweden became a member of the European Union, EU, the debate regarding the Swedish participation in the EU’s currency co-operation, the European Monetary Union, EMU, has been intense. One of the biggest issues has been how our national economic politics will work within such a monetary union. What instrument will remain for the national economic politics within the EMU are highly uncertain. The question whether we will be able to affect our own economy or not has long been the essence in the Swedish debate. At the same time that Sweden got membership in the EU, Austria became a member as well. Austria is just like Sweden a small open economy with many similarities to Sweden with regard to politics and economics. One big difference between the countries though, is that Austria at once became a member of the currency co-operation and joined the EMU from the start of it. The debates regarding the EMU has been very much alike in the two countries, though it differs in one important question. One big question that has been raised in Austria is the potential of a wider co-operation within the EMU than at present. This discussion has led to suggestions of a wider co-operation through discussions between the EMU-countries, larger possibilities for sanctions against countries which are not following the common economic plan or even suggestions about a politic union. There is very much a discussion in the spirit of collectivism. In Sweden non of this is even an issue. Here the whole debate is focused on the national possibilities and losses in a monetary union. How the country will be able to optimise its own good within the EMU is the only thing of interest in the Swedish debate. The point of view is always the national good and has never the collectivism in mind.</p>

<p>How is research and science being used in political debate? An idea analysis of the debate about försäkringsmedicinskt beslutsstöd (decision tool in healthcare security)</p><p>This is a case study on different types of research use (utilization) The aim of this paper is to examine how the politicians make use of expertise and research in the parliamentary debate surrounding the decision tool in healthcare security (försäkringsmedicinskt beslutsstöd). The aim is also to find out to what extent different types of research use are present in this debate. In this case study the qualitative method of idea analysis is being used on the empirical material. The tool of analysis is based upon the theories of research use by Amara et al. (building on Beyer) and Carol Weiss. My conclusion is that the most common type of research use in this debate is the symbolic, followed by the conceptual type. The instrumental type of research use is the least frequent one in this debate.</p>

Actualmente, la organización escolar se constituye en un elemento importante de las diversas reformas educativas y el espacio en donde se genera el cambio en educación. Ello nos hace volver la mirada a estudiar en profundidad a esta organización particular y compleja. Los estudios sobre las organizaciones escolares han girado en investigar sus dimensiones estructural, política o cultural, y muy pocos estudios han ayudado a comprender la dimensión ética de la organización escolar. Aspecto que hoy resulta de vital importancia ante la crisis de valoración, las situaciones de corrupción, injusticias o desigualdades ante las cuales la educación, y en particular, la escuela debe responder. En este trabajo de investigación nos propusimos levantar información que permitiera comprender y caracterizar la dimensión ética de la organización escolar y sus relaciones con las otras dimensiones. Es así que tres preguntas fueron el hilo conductor de nuestro trabajo: ¿desde qué orientación ética se construye cada una de las dimensiones de la organización escolar?, ¿qué caracteriza a la dimensión ética de la organización escolar?, ¿cómo la orientación ética de la escuela configura un tipo de organización escolar? La investigación se realizó desde un enfoque semi-inductivo, cualitativo e interpretativo pues nos interesó descubrir los significados que otorgan los sujetos a la escuela para construir una teoría sustantiva sobre la dimensión ética. Para ello utilizamos la grounded theory (Glaser y Strauss, 1967; Strauss y Corbin, 1990) como procedimiento metodológico para teorizar a partir de la palabra de los sujetos informantes. Desde las posturas éticas del debate liberalismo – comunitarismo en la filosofía política y particularmente en la educación, analizamos la realidad de tres escuelas ubicadas en un barrio popular de Lima Metropolitana (Perú). A partir de los discursos recogidos en las entrevistas semi-estructuradas y los focus groups realizados a los directivos, profesores, auxiliares, alumnos y padres de familia de cada escuela hemos descubierto las principales categorías que configuran la dimensión estudiada y sus relaciones con aspectos estructurales, culturales y políticos de la organización escolar. Además, abordar el estudio desde el debate del liberalismo – comunitarismo ha permitido identificar y comparar las diversas opciones éticas presentes y asumidas por cada escuela desde su particular posición de escuela confesional, escuela pública no confesional y escuela privada y proponer una tipología que nos revela la convivencia de escuelas que se configuran como comunidades de valores, con otras más orientadas a la ética liberal; pero con matices que nosotros llamamos escuela liberal estratégica y escuela liberal fragmentada. Sin embargo, en el estudio no hemos encontrado una escuela orientada a una ética deliberativa que constituya una escuela democrática en un sistema educativo como el peruano que señala en sus documentos oficiales la opción por la formación de ciudadanos en democracia.

No description available.

After Sweden became a member of the European Union, EU, the debate regarding the Swedish participation in the EU’s currency co-operation, the European Monetary Union, EMU, has been intense. One of the biggest issues has been how our national economic politics will work within such a monetary union. What instrument will remain for the national economic politics within the EMU are highly uncertain. The question whether we will be able to affect our own economy or not has long been the essence in the Swedish debate. At the same time that Sweden got membership in the EU, Austria became a member as well. Austria is just like Sweden a small open economy with many similarities to Sweden with regard to politics and economics. One big difference between the countries though, is that Austria at once became a member of the currency co-operation and joined the EMU from the start of it. The debates regarding the EMU has been very much alike in the two countries, though it differs in one important question. One big question that has been raised in Austria is the potential of a wider co-operation within the EMU than at present. This discussion has led to suggestions of a wider co-operation through discussions between the EMU-countries, larger possibilities for sanctions against countries which are not following the common economic plan or even suggestions about a politic union. There is very much a discussion in the spirit of collectivism. In Sweden non of this is even an issue. Here the whole debate is focused on the national possibilities and losses in a monetary union. How the country will be able to optimise its own good within the EMU is the only thing of interest in the Swedish debate. The point of view is always the national good and has never the collectivism in mind.

This thesis is concerned with three language debates that reached their most crucial peaks in Sweden at the beginning of the twenty-first century: (i) the debate on the promotion of the Swedish language, (ii) the debate on language testing for citizenship, and (iii) the debate on mother tongue instruction. The main scope of the thesis is to take a theoretically multi-pronged approach to these debates trying to shed light on the following aspects: Why did such debates emerge when they did? Which discourses were available in those specific historical moments? Who are the social actors that intervened in these debates? What is at stake for them? What do they claim? What systems of values, ideas and beliefs – i.e. ideologies – underlie such claims? What are the effects in terms of identities, objects of political intervention, commonsensical knowledge and authority that these discourses and ideologies produce? Taking Sweden as a case in point, the thesis adds to the existing literature another example of how language debates are the manifestation of conflicts between different language ideologies that struggle for hegemony, thus attempting to impose one specific way of envisaging the management of a nation-state in a time of globalisation. In their outer and most patent facets, these struggles deal with the relationships between languages in today’s Sweden, and how the state, through legislation, should – or should not – regulate such relationships in order to (re)produce some kind of linguistic order. However, the thesis also illustrates that when social actors appeal to a linguistic order, they not only draw boundaries between different languages in a given society, but they also bring into existence a social world in which the speakers of those languages come to occupy specific social positions. These linguistic and social hierarchies, in turn, are imbricated in an often implicit moral regime of what counts as good or bad, acceptable or taboo in that society.

It is rather often assumed that Swedish foreign policy debate is largely characterized by consensus and that foreign policy goals often are material (for example security or economic welfare). Despite this, it is possible to identify disagreement among political parties about ideological goals – i.e. the promotion of values – in Swedish foreign policy debates. This raises questions about the nature and importance of these ideological goals in such debates. To study this closer I investigate foreign policy debates about the military conflicts in Vietnam and Iraq. The purpose of the dissertation is to describe and explain the content and relative importance of the ideological goals expressed by Swedish parliamentary parties in both party and public arenas. Four parties are included in the study: the Left, the Social Democrats, the Liberals and the Conservatives. The theoretical framework is made up of two main parts. First, I develop a classification scheme to identify and sort the goals found in the empirical material. This scheme includes four goal types: ideological, security, economic, and other. Second, insights from literatures on foreign policy and the behaviour of political parties are used to analyze the content and importance of ideological goals. The research design used in the dissertation is comparative case studies. The empirical material is composed of documents from the internal party arena (meeting minutes, congress material, etc), the parliamentary arena (debate material) and the official arena (press material). The material has been analyzed mainly qualitatively with the help of ideational and argument analysis. In order to estimate the relative importance of ideological goals quantitative content analysis has also been used. As regards the content of ideological goals during debates about Vietnam, the empirical results show all parties discussed the promotion of humanity, democracy and states’ rights to national independence. In the Iraq conflict, all parties expressed goals about humanity, human rights, internal security/safety, democracy and states’ rights to national independence. Beyond these goals, individual or a few parties also expressed other ideological goals. However, a central result is that the parties have linked the ideological goals – which they often agree about – to different ways of reasoning. The empirical analysis also revealed that ideological goals have generally been more important than other types of goals (with the exception of the Conservative Party in the debate about Vietnam). Regarding developments over time, the importance of ideological goals was unchanged for the Social Democrats and the Liberal Party. For the Left there was a slight decrease, and for the Conservatives a significant increase. The overall conclusion about what explains the content and importance of ideological goals in the foreign policy debates studied here is that explanations at the systemic level are inadequate. Variables like the international political structure (polarity) and institutional mechanisms in the EU and the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy had little explanatory power. Instead, explanations like type of foreign policy issue, party ideology and party strategy were more useful. Differences in parties’ fundamental ideological views were also discussed as an important source of difference as regards the positions and arguments that expressed ideological goals.