The aim of the thesis is to map and describe changes that have taken place in the field of political debates on the Czech Television (in the period from 1989 to the present). The work describes changes regarding the form and the content of programs and its debates. There also appears a critical assessment of that development (and of some prevailing trend) of the political issue programs (on Czech TV) development in the thesis. The first research question relates to the assumpiton that a given period occured significant changes in the form and content of the broadcasted. Description of those changes is the main aim. The second question 1 relates to the assumption that the applied media-scientific theories are applicable to the issue of television political debate. The author proceeds in five steps. First, the introduction sets the theme in context, mentions a historical overview of political discussion programs broadcasted on Czech Television (from 1989 to the present) and consequently characterizes them. The first chapter will bring the presentation of the works from the field of political science and media- science, which will serve as a theoretical guide in analyzing the contents. The second chapter brings the key analysis of the programs using the theory and designed methodology. The third chapter...

This paper aims to examine the different portrayals in Swedish journalism about a case with a controversial topic. The analyzed case in this study focuses on the provocative rapper Mr Cool and his song about sexual intercourse with a child and the following mediated debate about freedom of speech and morality. The research questions examined were: How does the media frame the meta-debate about Mr Cool? We picked 16 articles and analyzed them with a qualitative content analysis method using framing theory and argumentation techniques in order to be able to examine how the debate were portrayed by the media. We also used the moral panic concept to get a deeper understanding of the mechanics of topics the society is concerned with. We have found that the participants of the debate handled the subject differently and with different strategies, depending on which side they would support. The central discussion was about personal taste, boundary making and the consequences of silencing what is thought to be offensive. The results of the analysis agrees with previous studies and theories in the field when it comes to moral panics and fear as a natural part of our society. History is likely to repeat itself but with other motives and other fears.

The topic of this essay is about teachers, who teaches in the subject Swedish, opinions in a literary canon. This study will present how they argue about a formally decided literary canon and how the teachers argue in using canon in their education. I have used an argumentative analysis to analyse the teachers’ arguments. The earlier research in the field concluded that the canon debate is polarized and mostly discussing whether canon is good or bad, and not so much on trying to discuss it in a constructive way on how to use canonized literature in school. My research concludes that the teachers’ opinions on canon are essentially polarized, but many teachers also think that a canon is at the same time beneficial, important and problematic. A majority of the arguments used on both sides are the same arguments that are used by the scientific literary field which studies canon. The biggest difference is the alignment to an educational context. The result show that the teachers’ use different pro-arguments and suggestions on how to establish a definite literary canon that could be used within the school system. Some argue for a formally decided literary canon established by the state and mean that the education will be equal and distinct, and students will develop the same cultural references. But not all teachers are positive to the proposition of a state established literary canon. The arguments on why and how teachers use canon in the education are similar to why there should be a definite literary canon in all schools. The contra-arguments the teachers’ use for a formally decided literary canon are that it will intrude in the teachers’ possibilities to adapt the education to the students. They also use contra-arguments that says the canonized literature is not adaptable to the students’ interests and that it is narrow and exclusive. They also mean that it is time consuming and will remove teachers’ possibilities to plan their education and make it adaptable for the students. The teachers’ contra-arguments on using canon in the education are similar to the above contra-arguments that the canonized literature is problematic in the perspective of authors and adaptiveness to different groups of students.

Saisir la nature de l’approche israélienne à la question palestinienne et définir les facteurs qui déterminent son évolution, tell est l’objet de notre thèse. L’examen de la question palestinienne à travers le débat politique parlementaire et extra-parlementaire israélien, dans la première partie de notre travail, nous a permit de déceler les fondements idéologiques de l’approche de chaque camp de gauche comme de droite. Par cette analyse nous avons souligné plusieurs caractéristiques propres au système politique israélien telles que l’interférence entre le politique et le religieux ou l’interaction entre le politique et le militaire. Des facteurs déterminants au niveau de la définition de la politique palestinienne d’Israël. Notre approche historique à la question nous a également permis de revenir sur les origines lointaines de la régression politique de la gauche et de la confirmation de la droite dont le contexte de la seconde Intifada n’a fait qu’accélérer le processus. Dans un second temps, la thèse fait porter l’analyse sur le débat intellectuel en Israël. En effet, le consensus israélien autour de la question palestinienne qui a prévalut durant la seconde Intifada et le triomphe des thèses de la droite nous a amené à nous nous interroger sur les forces dites de paix en Israël. Et si nous avons tenté de déceler quelques éléments de réponse à travers le camp de la paix, c’est en analysant le débat intellectuel en particulier de gauche que nous avons cherché une approche alternative à celle de la droite. Nous avons abordé dans un premier temps le débat académique israélien. Une attention particulière a été accordée au post-sionisme dans la mesure où il rompe avec l’approche sioniste officielle. L’examen du champ d’influence de ce courant de pensée nous a permis de mesurer l’apport mais aussi les limites du débat post-sioniste par rapport à la question palestinienne. Notre intérêt dans cette thèse à été également porté sur les réactions de l’intelligentsia pacifiste israélienne dans le contexte de la seconde Intifada. Cet examen nous a permis de pointer les phénomènes de la droitisation et de la radicalisation du milieu intellectuel israélien. Deux phénomènes alarmants et qui ont fait réagir quelques intellectuels critiques, auxquels nous avons consacré le dernier chapitre de notre thèse. / The objective of our thesis is to analyse the nature of the Israeli approach in the Palestinian question and to define the factors which have determined its evolution. The examination of the Palestinian question through the Israeli parliamentary and extra-parliamentary political debate, in the first part of our thesis, has allowed us to reveal the ideological foundations of the approach of each camp: the right as well as the left. This analysis has highlighted several characteristics of the Israeli political system such as the interaction politics/religion and politics/military which defined the Palestinian policy of Israel. Our historical approach to this question has allowed us to return to the distant origins of the political regression of the left and the progress of the right. The context of the Second Intifada was accelerating this process. In the second part our thesis concerns the analysis the intellectual debate in Israel. The Israeli consensus around the Palestinian question which has prevailed during the Second Intifada and triumph of politically right wing ideas made us question the strength of the peace in Israel. While analyzing the intellectual left debate we looked for an alternative approach to that of the right. At first we approached the Israeli academic debate. Particular attention was granted to the Post-Zionist current witch break with the official Zionist approach. The examination of what influences this current opinion allowed us to measure the contribution but also the limits of the Post-Zionism debate with regard to the Palestinian question. In this thesis we are also interested in the reactions of the Israeli pacifist intelligentsia in the context of the Second Intifada. This examination allowed us to highlight the phenomena of the drive to the political right wing and the hardening of Israeli intellectual opinion. These Two alarming phenomena have made some critical intellectuals react and it is to them that we dedicate the last chapter of our thesis.

Sveriges migrationspolitik och debatten om den har genomgått betydande förändringar under de tio år som följt reformen av systemet 2008. Den här uppsatsen tittar på debatten i riksdagen om arbetskraftsinvandring från 2008 till 2018 och svarar på två frågor. 1. Hur ser konfliktlinjerna ut i svensk arbets- kraftsinvandringspolitisk debatt? 2. Hur har partiernas arbetskraftsinvandringspolitiska argumentation förändrats över tid? För att svara på frågorna konstrueras typargument utifrån en tvådimensionell skala över migrationspolitik med en materiell och en immateriell axel, samt tidigare erfarenheter av hur partier argumenterat för mer öppen respektive restriktiv politik. Inläggen i debatterna kodas sedan utifrån vilka av typargumenten som används. De svenska partierna går att dela in i två grupper: fem partier som är konsekvent för en mer öppen arbetskraftsinvandringspolitik – M, C, KD, FP och MP – och tre partier som är konsekvent för en mer restriktiv politik – S, V och SD. Den tvådimensionella modellen av migrationspolitisk konflikt är dåligt lämpad för att beskriva konflikten mellan dessa kluster. Bland de öppna använder Allianspartierna och i synnerhet M en mer materiell argumentation medan MP använder en mer immateriell argumentation. Bland de restriktiva använder S och V nästan uteslutande hänvisningar till att arbetskraftsinvandringen riskerar att pressa löner och villkor på den svenska arbetsmarknaden, medan SD också hänvisar till andra argument. Nästan ingen argumentation för mer restriktiv politik är immateriell. Över tid har argumentationen för en mer öppen arbetskraftsinvandring förändrats signifikant i riktning mot mer materiella och mindre immateriella argument, medan den restriktiva argumentationen har varit oförändrad. Troligen finns ett samband med den migrations- politiska debattens utveckling mot en mer restriktiv diskurs. / Swedish migration policy and the debate surrounding it has undergone significant changes during the ten years that have past since the reform of 2008. This thesis looks at the debate in the Swedish parliament on labour migration from 2008 to 2018, and answers questions. 1. What are the conflict lines in Swedish labour migration policy debate? 2. How has the parties’ argumentation on labour immigration policy changed over time? To answer the questions, type arguments are created on a two-dimensional field with a material and an non-material axis, as well as previous experience of how parties argued for more open or restrictive policies. The arguments are coded with the type arguments used. The Swedish parties can be divided in two groups: five parties that are consistently for a more open labour migration policy – the Moderates, Centre Party, Christian Democrats, Liberals and Green Party – and three parties that are consistently for a more restrictive policy – the Social Democrats, Left Party and Sweden Democrats. The two-dimensional model of migration policy conflict is poorly suited to describe the conflict between these clusters. Among the open, the centre-right parties and especially the Moderates, use a more material argumentation, while the Green Party use a more non-material argumentation. Among the restrictive, the Social Democrats and Left Party use almost exclusively references to the fact that labor migration risks pressing wages and conditions on the Swedish labour market, while the Sweden Democrats also refer to other arguments. Almost no argumentation for more restrictive policy is non-material. Over time, the argumentation for a more open labour migration changed significantly towards more material and less non-material arguments, while the restrictive argumentation has remained unchanged. There is probably a connection with the development of the migration policy debate towards a more restrictive discourse.

Esta pesquisa tem o objetivo de avaliar as contribuições do uso do aplicativo WhatsApp para um trabalho voltado à ampliação da competência argumentativa e ao favorecimento dos letramentos críticos. Para isso, foram realizados, em ambiente virtual, seis debates com duas turmas de oitavos anos do Ensino Fundamental II. Os corpora constituem-se de aproximadamente 305 minutos de debate, transcritos para um arquivo de texto por meio do próprio aplicativo. A fim de justificar os interesses desta pesquisa e favorecer a compreensão do material produzido pelos estudantes, discutimos, ao longo dos capítulos, sobre as orientações presentes nos documentos oficiais e tratamos da importância dos multiletramentos e das possibilidades pedagógicas proporcionadas pelas Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação. Além disso, apoiando-nos na teoria bakhtiniana acerca dos gêneros do discurso e, através das contribuições de Marcuschi (2004), buscamos verificar o desenvolvimento do gênero debate a partir do espaço digital oportunizado pelo aplicativo WhatsApp. Recorremos também a um aporte teórico relacionado à argumentação, tendo em vista a necessidade de construirmos uma base significativa e relevante a ser utilizada em nossas análises dos corpora. Nesse sentido, destacamos as contribuições de Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (1996 [1958]) que retomam a retórica aristotélica, bem como os estudos de Amossy (2007), importantes para este trabalho, na medida em que compreendem a dimensão argumentativa como característica inerente a quaisquer discursos. Os resultados permitem ratificar a validade do espaço virtual utilizado para a prática argumentativa a partir de um contexto em que os estudantes encontram interlocutores reais com os quais podem argumentar e defender seus posicionamentos. / This research has the objective of evaluating the contributions of the use of the WhatsApp application in a work focused on the expansion of argumentative competence and favoring of critical literacies. For this, six debates were conducted in a virtual environment with two groups of eighth grade students from middle school. The corpora constitute approximately 305 minutes of debate, transcribed to a text file by the application itself. In order to justify the interests of this research and to promote the understanding of the material produced by the students, we discuss, throughout the chapters, the orientations present in the official documents and we deal with the importance of the multiliteracies and pedagogical possibilities provided by Information and Communication Technologies. Moreover, based on the bakhtinian theory about the genres of discourse and, through the contributions of Marcuschi (2004), we verify the development of the genre debate from the digital space provided by the WhatsApp application. We also used a theoretical contribution related to the argumentation, considering the need to build a significant and relevant basis to be used in our analyzes of corpora. In this sense, we highlight the contributions of Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (1996 [1958]) that take up the aristotelian Rhetoric, as well as the studies of Amossy (2007), important for this work, insofar as they understand the argumentative dimension as an inherent characteristic to any speeches. The results allow us to ratify the validity of the virtual space used for argumentative practice from a context in which students find real interlocutors with whom they can argue and defend their positions.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T20:32:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MICHELE METELSKI.pdf: 1521254 bytes, checksum: dd65a65891b16911bc9e2739556bfe94 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation has the objective of discussing tha place of Educational Biology in Pedagogy course in Faculdade de Filosofia, Ciências e Letras de União da Vitória College (FAFI), in the limited context between the years of 1960 and 1989. This analysis leans in Pierre Bordieu concepts, mainly in the field and habitus categories for learning the formats in the area of pedagogy and teachers formation apropriating the Educational Biology knowhow. The analytical route of this problem has privileged two fronts, firstly the discussion has followed from general to particular, seeking the analysis structure relationally. Due to this option, narrative has been organized taking the history of higher education in Brazil, mainly by the history of FAFI to remodel some aspects of creation. To reach the specific point of our discussion was necessary to understand how this institution has been settled in Union ad Victoria and who were the idealization agents. In another front this research has privileged an approach to the Educational Biology trajectory, associating to the medical speech and the attempt of making a field for teachers formation in Brazil. Seeking to explain the real place of this area of knowledge subject in the training formation of the pedagogue. This second discussion was the main concern of the dissertation, because it explains the answer to the formulated problem. These terms, the textual plot of the second chapter has came from the general to the particular as well, seeking to stablish an analytic web between the national formulations mainly Almeida Junior, Ary Lex and the organization of knowledge in the Pedagogy course in FAFI. This analytical structure allows explain the following statements: 1) FAFI constituition in a context of expansion of elementary and secondary school, as well as the interiorization of the higher education in Paraná state; 2) FAFI was born with the responsability to form teachers to teach in normal schools/education institutes and secondary schools; 3) FAFI was created as a political strategy of Paraná state integration and to build a regional identity; 4) In the 1960´s there was a mismatch among discussion waged in a national, hygine precepts were not mentioned; 5)The teaching was only about the fundamental Educational Biology, learning some gaps in the formation of the ones that graduated during this period; 6) The genetic approach was extensive, occupying the place of the application part that was the main importance to the teachers formation that would prepare normal school teachers. 7) The instability of the Educational Biology in the 1960´s is observed because contents were minimum and its nomenclature varied among General Biology, Educational Biology and Biological elements of education and sometimes its contents were in the interior of the didatic discipline; 8) In the 1970´s Biology occupied a more solid place, complete and with it´s own characteristics, particularly with School Hygine introduction; 9) In the 1980´s the Educational Biology was divided between School Hygine and Biology enphatizing the medical character to treat new deseases, especially AIDS; 10) In 1989´s, the Educacional Biology assumed a permanent condition in the Pedagogy course in FAFI. / Esta dissertação tem por objetivo discutir o lugar da Biologia Educacional no Curso de Pedagogia da Faculdade de Filosofia, Ciências e Letras de União da Vitória (FAFI), no contexto circunscrito entre 1960 e 1989. Esta análise se apoia nos conceitos de Pierre Bourdieu, principalmente nas categorias de campo e habitus para apreender as formas como a área de pedagogia/formação de professores se apropriou dos saberes da Biologia Educacional. O percurso analítico deste problema privilegiou duas frentes. Em primeiro lugar, a discussão seguiu uma abordagem do geral ao particular, buscando estruturar a análise de modo relacional. Em razão dessa opção, organizou-se a narrativa, tomando a história do ensino superior no Brasil, mas principalmente a história da Faculdade de Filosofia, Ciências e Letras para reconstituir alguns aspectos da criação da FAFI. Em outra frente, esta pesquisa privilegiou uma abordagem da trajetória da Biologia Educacional, associando-a ao discurso médico e a tentativa de constituição de um campo de formação de professores no Brasil, buscando explicar o lugar dessa área de saber/disciplinar no processo formativo do pedagogo. Essa segunda discussão constituiu a principal preocupação desta dissertação, pois explicita a resposta ao problema formulado. Nesses termos, o enredo textual do segundo capítulo, também, partiu do geral ao particular, procurando estabelecer uma teia analítica entre as formulações nacionais, principalmente as produções de Almeida Junior, Ary Lex e a organização da área do conhecimento/saber no Curso de Pedagogia da FAFI. Essa estrutura analítica permitiu explicitar as seguintes afirmações: 1) A FAFI se constituiu no contexto de expansão do ensino primário e secundário, assim como de interiorização do ensino superior no Paraná; 2) A FAFI nasceu com a responsabilidade de formar professores para compor o quadro de docentes das escolas normais/institutos de educação e escolas secundárias; 3) A FAFI foi criada como uma estratégia política de integração do Paraná e de construção de uma identidade regional; 4) Nos anos de 1960 houve um descompasso entre as discussões travadas em nível nacional, os preceitos higiênicos não foram abordados; 5) O ensino tratava apenas da parte fundamental da Biologia Educacional, deixando lacunas na formação daqueles que se graduaram durante esse período; 6) A abordagem genética foi extensa, ocupando o lugar da parte de aplicação que era importantíssima à formação de professores que preparariam os docentes da Escola Normal; 7) A instabilidade da Biologia Educacional, na década de 1960, é observada porque seus conteúdos eram mínimos e sua nomenclatura variava de Biologia Geral, Biologia Educacional a Fundamentos Biológicos da Educação e, às vezes, seus conteúdos estavam no interior da disciplina de Didática; 8) Na década de 1970, a Biologia ocupou um lugar mais sólido, completo e com características próprias, particularmente com a introdução da Higiene Escolar; 9) Nos anos de 1980, a Biologia Educacional se divide entre Higiene Escolar e Fundamentos de Biologia, enfatizando o caráter médico ao tratar das novas doenças, particularmente a AIDS; 10) Em 1989, a Biologia Educacional assumiu uma condição permanente no Curso de Pedagogia da FAFI.

The aim of this thesis was to explore and analyze the sponsored debates on Newsmill, so called seminars. How does the sponsor use Newsmills seminars for marketing purposes? Who is allowed to write in Newsmills seminars? To answer these questions we used both a quantitative survey and a qualitative survey. To examine how the sponsors use Newsmills seminars for marketing purposes we conducted a qualitative analysis which included three of the eleven seminars - a total of 26 articles. We examined how the sponsors conveyed the picture of themselves and if the written content in Newsmills seminars contained any hidden marketing. We could see that the sponsor has a great deal of influence on the seminars and also used them to market their brand with hybrid messages. Sponsors often tried to relate their brand to a public issue in order to camouflage their commercial purposes. The quantitative survey aimed to map the seminars and answer the question “Who is allowed to write in Newsmills seminars?”. We observed how many of the writers were male/female, had a Swedish/foreign name, had a certain position in society and if the writer had any connection to, or wrote about, the sponsor. We examined all articles ever published in Newsmills seminars, up to the day of the survey. A total of 164 articles in 11 different seminars. Our result showed that female writers are a minority group in Newsmills seminars. So are people with foreign names and people who lack a position which grants them authority.

This thesis approaches the ways George MacDonald viewed and represented Victorian society in his novels by analysing select social issues which he felt compelled to address. Chapter One introduces the thesis. It contains a review of critical commentary on MacDonald’s work, as well as discussions on his non-fictional texts and essays, industrialism, and the great rural-urban divide of the nineteenth century. Chapter Two concentrates on MacDonald’s representations of the city in Robert Falconer (1868), The Vicar’s Daughter (1872), and Weighed and Wanting (1882) by underscoring parallels between Octavia Hill’s housing and environmental schemes and situations which he experienced firsthand. Chapter Three examines the influence of Nature on MacDonald’s theology and social views. Special emphasis is placed on Wordsworth and the development of MacDonald’s unique pantheism in his texts, such as the short story, ‘A Journey Rejourneyed’ (1865-6), Guild Court (1868), Wilfrid Cumbermede (1872), What’s Mine’s Mine (1886), and Home Again (1887). Chapter Four uncovers MacDonald’s involvement with the animal welfare movement during the latter part of the nineteenth century. Discussions on vivisection, vegetarianism, hunting, animal abuse, evolution, and degeneration are provided with a wide range of MacDonald’s texts, such as Alec Forbes of Howglen (1865), Paul Faber, Surgeon (1879), The Marquis of Lossie (1877), A Rough Shaking (1890), and Heather and Snow (1893). Chapter Five offers a short summation of the thesis. It affirms that MacDonald was deeply troubled by certain social issues that were raised within his society and would use his fiction to express his concerns. The conclusion also offers a few suggestive topics for ongoing research in the field of this thesis.

Enabled by a Minor Field Study scholarship from SIDA, this thesis examines indigenous involvement in ecotourism in the Ecuadorian Amazons. Indigenous people are the most marginalized social group world-wide, and coincidingly often live in resource rich pristine land. The oil-rich lands of the Amazons is called a resource frontier and is now increasingly important for the tourism sector, which comes to entail conflict of interests between the State and indigenous communities living in this area. Both the global call for sustainable development and national policies of “Buen Vivir” promotes ecotourism as an ecologically, socio-economically, and culturally sustainable activity. Scholarly opinion suggest that ecotourism generates potential tools of empowerment for the involved indigenous communities. With this backdrop and with the theoretical framework of the postcolonial debate, main opportunities and challenges are examined with the correlation of tourism ventures and socio-political implications in the local reality of indigenous organizations in Tena, Napo. Complex impediments are uncovered and analysed within the social field of indigenous ecotourism. The conviction of the study holds the call for attentive cross-cultural communication in order to continue the seemingly inevitable path of globalization in a more sustainable and non-discriminatory manner.