La tesi è strutturata in quattro capitoli. Nel primo capitolo si affronta l'inizio dell'esilio di Sturzo, con attenzione particolare alla scelta di Londra come sede del proprio esilio. A seguito dell'esilio inizia la conoscenza di Angelo Crespi, che sarà una persona determinante durante l'esilio londinese nonché durante alcune tappe che portano alla stesura di La Comunità internazionale ed il diritto di guerra . La parte finale del capitolo tratta dell'interesse per l'impegno politico di Sturzo e per comprendere la situazione politica italiana ed il movimento politico fascista. Il secondo capitolo si sofferma sulle conoscenze di Sturzo a Londra particolarmente significative per le riflessioni che verranno successivamente elaborate nel volume La comunità internazionale ed il diritto di guerra. La ricostruzione di questi anni si intreccia con la vicenda personale di Sturzo ed in particolare con i rapporti con la Santa Sede. Il terzo capitolo è dedicato infatti ai cattolici britannici e alla conoscenza che Sturzo ne ha. Dalla primavera del 1926 comincia il difficile rapporto con la curia di Westminster. Il quarto ed ultimo capitolo è dedicato ai lavori precedenti sul tema dell'internazionalismo e della pace internazionale che Sturzo scrive prima di dedicarsi alla stesura definitiva del saggio oggetto della ricerca. Sono affrontati le diverse edizioni del libro, inglese, americana, francese e i due tentativi che non ebbero esito di una edizione spagnola e tedesca. In Appendice lo scambio epistolare con De Ruggiero e con il Censor di Westminster per il Nihil Obstat alla pubblicazione di La comunità internazionale ed il diritto di guerra. / As an opponent to fascism, Luigi Sturzo a priest and an Italian political leader has to go into exile in London in 1924, during the formative years of international relations theory, what is usually called the First Great Debate. In 1929 Sturzo published a book on The International Community and the Right of War, which looks at the then debated international relations issues through his Christian background. This work will assess Sturzo's book in the unique historical milieu in which it was conceived, in order to identify a mix of liberalism and Christian thought rather unfamiliar both then and today. The work is organized in four chapter. The first face the reason of the Sturzo's exile in London. The second section is devoted to the cultural background of Sturzo's book, and specifically to his key British personal contacts: the liberals, the people gravitating around Chatham House and the British Catholics. Among the most relevant people corresponding with Sturzo or in other ways connected to his book we can find: Gilbert Murray, G.P. Gooch, Francis Hirst, Alfred Zimmern, Norman Angell, Leonard Wolf,. The third chapter illustrates Sturzo's relationship with the British Catholic and the Bishop of Westminster. The fourth and final chapter illustrates the articles and the different edition of The International Community and the Right of War: the English, the American, the French and the tentive edition in Germany and Spain.

This essay is about use, misuse and non-use of history in politics. To recognize genocide is a use of history that has been established in politics, but also sparked debate. The position of non-use of history in international policy towards Turkey's denial policy has increasingly been replaced by recognition of genocide as a matter of making up with the story, moral consider, and where fundamental issues of culture, identity, history and morality has become guiding element in the discourse behind European expansion and integration policies. A breakthrough for this change is due to the Cold War's end; since the 1980s it has become possible to realize the humanitarianism which has its roots in the Enlightenment humanism underlying the United Nations, and later the EU conventions on human rights and genocide conventions. A genocide concept has become an important discourse in world politics that puts moral pressure on states to act. Parliamentary recognition of the genocide of the Armenians, Assyrians / Syrians / Chaldeans and Pontic Greeks, is partly redress for the victims and their descendants, but also an opportunity for reconciliation.

This dissertation attempts to trace the shifting relationship between the fields of Rhetoric and Poetry in Western culture by focusing on poetry contests and competitions during several different historical eras. In order to examine how the distinction between the two fields is contingent on a variety of local factors, this study makes use of research in contemporary cognitive neuroscience, particularly work in categorization and cognitive linguistics, to emphasize the provisional nature of conceptual thought; that is, on the type of mental activity that gives rise to conceptualizations such as “Rhetoric” and “Poetry.” The final portions of the research attempt to use some modeling techniques derived from cognitive linguistics as invention strategies for producing stylistically idiosyncratic academic knowledge, and for examining the relationship between the stylistic markers we associate with each of the two aforementioned fields.

The societal benefits of new technology and electronic products can hardly be underestimated. However, new technological achievements bring problems as well since obsolete products, due to ever-growing amounts and complex composition, are difficult to handle in a sound manner. Currently electronic waste constitutes the single fastest growing waste stream in society. It is also common that e-waste is exported to low-income countries where it generally is recycled under rudimentary conditions, leading to large-scale environmental and health effects. The political handling of the issue has enjoyed moderate success internationally as well as nationally. The shaping of environmental politics is however, according to many researchers, a complex process involving many actors, something that generally is not reflected inofficial politics. The purpose of this thesis is to map out the different discourses inherent in the public debates on e-waste in Sweden and the USA respectively, and compare how they might influence the political management of the e-waste issue. A number of newspaper articles, reports and press releases from NGOs and trade organizations have been analyzed with a discourse analysis method, influenced by John Dryzek and Michel Foucault. The term “order of discourse” has been borrowed by Norman Fairclough as an analytical tool. In the U.S. material a conflictual, unclear order of discourse appeared where most of the actors were portrayed as equal political players. However there was an apparent red thread as the question was framed as an economic issue by the majority of actors. In the Swedish material a very clear order of discourse was identified, where mainly two discourses were dominant. Drawing on the analysis it could be concluded that there were several probable explanations for the contemporary political handling. The perspective of the key actors El-Kretsen and the U.S. EPA was concluded to impair the political handling, while the framing of the issue as a question for experts in the Swedish material was considered another explanation. / Samhällsnyttan med ny teknik och elektroniska produkter kan knappast underskattas. Nya tekniska landvinningar medför dock problematik då elektronikavfall är svåromhändertaget på grund av dess komplexa sammansättning. Numera är dessutom elektronikavfall det enskilt snabbast växande avfallsflödet i samhället. Ytterligare problematik uppstår då det är vanligt att avfallet exporteras till låginkomstländer där det ofta återvinns med primitiva metoder, vilket leder till att avfallet utgör stora miljö- och hälsorisker. Sammantaget innebär detta att elektronikavfall utgör en av de största miljöpolitiska utmaningarna, men den politiska hanteringen av frågan har hittills rönt blandad framgång internationellt såväl som nationellt. Skapandet av miljöpolitik är dock enligt många teoretiker en komplex process som involverar många aktörer, något som generellt inte avspeglas i officiell politik. Syftet med denna uppsats är att försöka urskilja vilka diskurser som finns i den offentliga debatten om elektronikavfall i USA och Sverige, och jämföra hur de kan tänkas påverka den politiska hanteringen av elektronikavfallsfrågan. Ett antal tidningsartiklar, rapporter och pressreleaser från NGO:s och branschsammanslutningar har analyserats med en diskursanalytisk metod, influerad av John Dryzek och Michel Foucault. Begreppet ”diskursordning” har lånats av Norman Fairclough för att som analytiskt verktyg koppla diskursanalysen till den politiska hanteringen i respektive land. I det amerikanska materialet framträdde en konfliktfylld, otydlig diskursordning där flertalet aktörer framställdes som likvärdiga politiska spelare. Det fanns en tydlig röd tråd i det faktum att samtliga aktörer diskuterade frågan utifrån ett ekonomiskt perspektiv. I det svenska materialet fanns istället en tydlig diskursordning, där framförallt två diskurser var förhärskande. Utifrån analysen kunde konstateras att det fanns ett antal troliga skäl till den nuvarande politiska hanteringen. Nyckelaktörerna El-Kretsen och det amerikanska Naturvårdsverkets perspektiv lyftes som två troliga anledningar, medan inramningen som en expertfråga i det svenska materialet framhålls som ytterligare en orsak.

<p>The so called democratic deficit and the lack of legitimacy have been at the core of the EU-debate in the last decades. Low turnouts in the elections for the European parliament and disapproval in the ratification processes of the latest changes of the treaties are examples of the citizens lack of confidence for the EU and continuous integration. In Nice 2000 the heads of the member states governments agreed to try to improve the democratic legitimacy in the EU and initiated a public debate aiming at proposals for changes in the decision making processes in the EU. In July 2001 the commission published a white paper with their view. A fundamental presumption in discourse theory is that language and language usage not just is a way to deliver information about ideas and behaviours. Language shapes our apprehension about identities, social relations and system of knowledge. This essay analyses which meanings of democracy and legitimacy the commission establishes, and excludes, in the white paper. The commission emphasise results and possibility to act in favour of procedures for accountability, reversibility and representation. The decision making processes in the EU has a double democratic mandate according to the commission which makes them reluctant to suggest fundamental changes.</p>

Contemporary French identity issues are often conceived spatially in popular imagination and political discourse. France and French identity have been mapped into a series of imagined exclusionary spaces through media representations and political rhetoric. This dissertation argues that artists in the fields of film, rap music and fiction are actively yet often indirectly intervening in French identity debates by reframing the question of “integration” and by demonstrating that not only can one be simultaneously French and “other,” but that French identity is always already more complex and transnational than prevailing discourses of “imagined” identity will admit. This is done most effectively, I contend, by avoiding the clichéd and reductive spaces and spatial categories that inflect the debate. The works I examine employ travel and motion to move beyond the discursive ghettos such as beur or banlieue cinema or “minority” music and fiction. While often less overtly political these responses are more effective than the more typical banlieue narrative of clash and confrontation with power. Taking examples from cinema, I argue that the road movies I address are effective weapons of the weak precisely because they avoid the traps inherent in representing the banlieue. My analysis demonstrates that the discursive ghetto is not always a bad thing for a filmmaker because referring to representational stereotypes can open the possibility of more readily “trapping” the viewer and therefore forcing him/her to actively participate in the process of decoding the author’s positioning. Often works attempting to contest spatial exclusion run the risk of simply falling into entrenched binary conceptions of society, reinforcing what the viewer already thinks they know about life in the suburbs or as a minority in general. Looking beyond cinema to music and literature, I demonstrate how artists are mobilizing narrative of space and identity to re-chart France with “hyphenated” perspectives, from African and Algerian to Portuguese and Pied-noir. / text

The question of the appropriateness and effectiveness of students' personal writing is a longstanding one in the academy. In composition studies, the ideological fight over personal and academic writing is most often represented by the oft-studied but rarely changed Bartholomae/Elbow debate. In literary studies, reader-response critics in particular have wrestled with the problems and possibilities of subjective interpretation. Yet despite scholastic interest in issues of personal writing, discussions have remained primarily theoretical and have relied mainly on anecdotal evidence. While small-scale case studies valuably illuminate the processes of an individual student or two, the conversation would be profoundly bolstered by empirical data. How common are personal responses, really? Further, while many believe that any presence of first-person pronouns signals personal, subjective writing, anecdotal cases suggest that there are several categories of personal writing, and that these different types of expressivism produce a range of rhetorical effects. The current study attempts to name and refine these categories--using the distinctions of General claim, Writer-based prose, Personal experience, and Personal claim—to begin to fill in this empirical gap. Is it a mistake to lump all use of personal reference into the category of "personal writing"? Would helping students distinguish between these varying types of personal references inform their stylistic and rhetorical choices? By reviewing a sample of 30 short papers written by college students in a general requirement literature survey course, I will examine how frequently--and in what ways--students reference themselves when responding in writing to a work of literature. / text

This master thesis studies debates on historical theory in Sweden ́s two main historical journals, Historisk tidskrift and Scandia, during the last fifty years. The study investigates discussions of epistemological questions, the purposes of historical writing, and the influence of postmodernism. The theoretical approach and methodology used is inspired by the American pragmatist philosopher Richard Rorty. In a concluding chapter Rorty’s writings are used to confront the study’s results. The purpose of this is to highlight certain problems from the investigation. It is argued that the vocabulary used by the Swedish historians is an effect of the correspondence theory of truth, and that a pragmatic approach to the study of history could help history break free from that unfortunate vocabulary.

The aim of this paper is to examine how the press describes the public and private role of the Swedish monarch in texts that report about the biography Carl XVI Gustaf – den motvillige monarken (Sjöberg et al. 2010) when it is published in November 2010. The examined period ranges between the days just before the release and a fortnight after. The analysis is limited to standard Swedish papers: a daily, Svenska Dagbladet, and an evening paper, Expressen. Questions asked in the study are: In what ways do the analysed texts raise a discussion about the monarchy’s importance or function in the society of today, that is a public debate on the monarchy? To what extension are status symbols used in the constructing of royalty, that is what Jürgen Habermas (2003) describes as representative publicity? What similarities and differences are found when comparing the news articles in the daily and in the evening paper? The method used to answer the aim and questions is the critical discourse analysis, as Norman Fairclough (1995) describes it, and the theoretical perspective of the essay is Jürgen Habermas’ (2003) theory about the bourgeois public sphere. The result shows that the news articles in the daily unsurprisingly construct only a public who wants to debate on the monarchy. The evening paper instead addresses its readers both as cultural consumers, which the study sees as representative publicity, and as civilians who want to discuss the monarchy’s importance or function of today’s society. Important to notice is that when the evening paper is challenging the monarchy it’s always made in an implicit manner. The public role of the monarch is in both the daily and the evening paper said to be powerful and his public role is said to influence his private role in different ways. It is also obvious that the focus in Expressen is upon the most intimate sphere of the privacy of the monarch. The description of the private room is important here, in addition the spatial portraying uses status symbols when constructing royalty. Finally, the analysis shows that the monarch simultaneously portrays both as an ordinary human being and as a very special person in exclusive surroundings. Earlier research has proved that Swedish media wants to describe royalty like this.

This study intends to examine the impact of a well known debate page in one of Sweden’s biggest newspapers, Dagens Nyheter. We have done this by analysing Ekot, Aktuellt, Göteborgs Posten and Västerbottens-Kuriren to see to what extent they “take” news from the debate page. The method used was content analysis and to describe some of our thoughts about how we placed the hits in different categories we chose eight of our hits to exemplify. The material from the newspapers, radio and television was examined to discover the potential impact from the debate page. To carry out this study we have mainly used theories about how media get influenced by each other’s news and how they do follow-ups and refer to the original media. Other theories of importance for our study are for example those about what kinds of events that become news and how media influences people’s thoughts about what’s important. One of the most important conclusions we were able to draw after carrying out our study was that the debate page in Dagens Nyheter has quite a small impact on what our chosen media reported on. The biggest impact was found in the newspapers, whereas radio and television very seldom referred to the debate page. To sum up, one can absolutely say that the debate page in Dagens Nyheter is powerful and do have impact on other media, but an article published on the page is not automatically discussed and debated in other media during the day.