L'objet de la recherche concerne la place du débat public dans le processus démocratique de la décision, dans la France du XXIe siècle, appliqué à la problématique de la gestion des déchets radioactifs. L'hypothèse de départ, eu égard aux dispositifs multipliant les formes de débat depuis les années 80, est d'affirmer que la place du débat public est croissante dans les processus de décision et de construction de l'intérêt général. Plus précisément, les travaux se focalisent sur les modes de communication de l'ensemble des acteurs avec leurs publics, qu'il s'agisse du débat public institutionnel, organisé par la Commission nationale du débat public, mais aussi du débat entendu au sens large, évoquant ainsi la désignation générique de tout mode de mise en discussion publique des choix collectifs. Ce qui nous interroge sur la mise en perspective du jeu démocratique entre les différents acteurs, politiques, experts, industriels, administratifs et citoyens "ordinaires", que ce soit au niveau local, à l'exemple d'une installation d'un centre de stockage de déchets radioactifs sur un territoire, ou bien au niveau national, cadre dans lequel la mise en œuvre de l'action publique débouche sur des décisions politiques encadrées par le travail législatif. Cette double problématique interroge les processus de délibération et de décision des pouvoirs publics, concernant le domaine des choix scientifiques et technologiques, puisqu'il s'agit du nucléaire, domaine particulièrement complexe, objet de controverses sociotechniques, puisqu'il comporte des enjeux aussi bien technologiques, que politiques, économiques, sociaux, avec une forte valeur éthique. Il s'agira donc de s'interroger, à travers cette "radiographie" du débat public à la française, sur ses enjeux et ses finalités et sur sa capacité médiatrice entre les acteurs sociaux. Comment agit cette relation ambivalente entre information, communication et participation, quels effets produit-elle sur le processus démocratique de la décision publique, ces questions s'avèrent essentielles pour la compréhension de l'objet d'étude, dans une approche des SIC qui privilégie l'interaction des acteurs avec leur environnement / The purpose of the research is with regards to public debate's place in the decision democratic process in the 21rst century France, and applied to the problematic of the radioactive wastes management. The starting hypothesis, relying on the disposals multiplying debates forms since the 80's, is to assert the increasing place of the public debate in the decision and construction process of the general interest. More precisely, researches focus on the communication modes of the set of the actors and their audiences, involving institutional public debate organized by the National Commission for the Public Debate, but also involving debate in a general meaning, therefore evoking the generic designation of any kind of public discussion about collective choices. What's interrogating us on the put in prospect of the democratic game between all the different actors : political ones, experts, industrial ones, administrative ones and "ordinary" citizens, may it be at a local level (with the example of an installation of a radioactive wastes stocking center on a territory) or else at a national level – frame in which the implementation of the public action results in political decisions framed by legislative work. This double problematic interrogates deliberation and decision processes of the Public Powers, regarding scientific and technologic choices domain, since we're dealing here with nuclear, which is a particularly complex domain, target of many socio-technical controversies, since it contains technological stakes, as well as political, economical and social ones, with a strong ethic value. Here, we'll be dealing with wondering – through this "radiography" of the French public debate – about its stakes and its purposes as well as its mediator ability between social actors

Esta dissertação investiga e reconstitui o debate público desencadeado pela proposta de extinção da Fundação Zoobotânica do Rio Grande do Sul, juntamente a outras oito fundações públicas, pelo governo de José Ivo Sartori (PMDB). Os principais objetivos da pesquisa são descobrir quem são os atores que participam do debate e quais argumentos são mobilizados por estes. Foram trabalhados aspectos teóricos ligados ao meio ambiente, a partir de Leff, Acselrad, Junges e Kolbert, e ao Estado, a partir de Bobbio, Alexandrino e Paulo e Mascaro, abordando as relações que ambos mantém entre si, com o sistema econômico e com a democracia. Quanto à comunicação pública, esta é trabalhada a partir das perspectivas de Weber, Esteves, Gomes e Arendt. A escolha metodológica foi a pesquisa qualitativa de caráter exploratório-documental, adotando-se a pesquisa bibliográfica, a pesquisa históricodescritiva, a pesquisa documental e a análise de conteúdo, segundo Bardin, como métodos de pesquisa Elabora-se uma descrição do objeto de disputa – no caso, a Fundação Zoobotânica – e, a seguir, se explora o debate público sobre a proposta de extinção da FZB, objeto desta pesquisa. Como principais resultados, descobriu-se que o argumento econômico foi predominante no debate, com pouco espaço para os argumentos ambientais. Também foi possível mapear e posicionar os atores, situando de um lado governo Sartori, entidades empresariais e parte da imprensa (jornal Zero Hora); e de outro lado o movimento de apoio à FZB, organizações da sociedade civil, instituições acadêmicas, deputados de oposição, o Tribunal Regional do Trabalho da 4ª Região e outra parcela da imprensa (jornal Sul21). Por fim, constatou-se que houve debate público sobre a proposta, porém com baixa interação entre as partes conflitantes, com a aprovação do projeto de extinção da FZB sem alterações expressando a impermeabilidade do governo em relação à sociedade civil organizada. / This master thesis looks into and reconstitute the public debate unleashed by the proposal of extinction of the Zoobotanical Foudation from Rio Grande do Sul, with other eight public foudantions, by the government of José Ivo Sartori (PMDB). The main objectives of the research are to discover who are the actors who participate in the debate and what arguments are mobilized by them. Theoretical aspects related to the enviroment were studied, starting from Leff, Acselrad, Junges and Kolbert, such as to the State, from Bobbio, Alexandrino & Paulo and Mascaro, addressing the relations that both mantains with each other, with the economic system and with democracy. As for public communication, this is worked out from the perspectives of Weber, Esteves, Gomes and Arendt. The methodological choice was qualitative exploratory-documentary research, adopting bibliographic research, historicaldescriptive research, documentary research and content analysis, according to Bardin, as research methods. A description of the object of the dispute is made – in this case, the Zoobotanical Foundation – and the public debate about the FZB's extinction proposal is explored, the object of this research. As main results, it was found that the economic argument was predominant in the debate, with little room for environmental arguments. It was also possible to map and position the actors, situating Sartori government, business entities and part of the press (Zero Hora newspaper); and on the other side the support movement to the FZB, civil society organizations, academic institutions, opposition deputies, the Regional Labor Court of the 4th Region and another portion of the press (newspaper Sul21). Finally, it was verified that there was a public debate about the proposal, but with low interaction between the conflicting parties, with the approval of the FZB extinction project without changes expressing the government's imperviousness to organized civil society.

During the nineteenth century the liberal ideals were spreading across large parts of mainland Europe, and the Swedish parliament of 1840-41 is sometimes considered to be the first one embossed by the ideology. Liberal ideas such as the prison reform, the poor relief reform and the school reform were all on the agenda. The state was composed of the king and four political orders tasked to represent each respective social group, the peasantry, the town folks, the clergy and the nobility. All of these with different rates of representation and policies. Sweden had also for the last decades experienced an increase in crime, poverty and drunkenness. The before mentioned reforms were all made in an attempt to better the situation and make way for a better future. In this study we will look at the parliamentary debates of two of the four political orders, the peasantry and the clergy for the parliament previously mentioned. Our goal is to find out what the two orders thought about the establishment of the first national grade school, that would mean considerable changes for both parties which is partly why they are specifically chosen for this study. The two sides frequently had their differences and would not often cooperate with one another. Although liberalismen was a big part of the reason the king proposed the changes, we will instead focus mostly on Michel Foucault’s theory of biopower (or biopouvoir in French) and social discipline. What general themes can be found in the debates? What was the purpose of the grade school? And lastly, are there any similarities and differences between the reviewed orders? What we can see at the end of the study is that the two orders have different focuses. While the peasantry mainly focused on implementing a school to steer the younglings in the “right” way, the clergy emphasised a spiritual teaching that would foster the individual.

Jusqu’à présent, les travaux sur la réception de la théorie darwinienne en France ont surtout porté sur le monde savant. Ils ont conclu à un échec de sa diffusion. En élargissant cette étude à la société dans son ensemble, on découvre qu’il s’agit, en réalité, d’un succès. Le rôle du débat public dans l’introduction du darwinisme en France fait l’objet d’une première partie. Les thèses darwiniennes suscitent d’autant plus la curiosité d’un large public, à Paris et en province, qu’elles paraissent suggérer des réponses à des questions qui sont dans l’air du temps. Une deuxième partie analyse les enjeux soulevés par le darwinisme dans la société, qui expliquent pour une bonne part son audience. Au-delà des réflexions sur l’évolution suscitées par Darwin dans la plupart des pays, le contexte politique et social entraîne des interprétations et des peurs spécifiquement françaises. Une troisième partie étudie les réticences du monde savant. Malgré l’engouement public pour le darwinisme, la science officielle reste à l’écart du débat. Finalement, il a fallu qu’un vaste débat public s’instaure et que le darwinisme devienne l’enjeu d’affrontements politiques pour que Darwin soit reconnu par les institutions académiques parisiennes. / Most works on the reception of Darwin’s theory in France have heretofore chiefly focused on the scientific community. They conclude that the theory failed to spread to the whole country. By widening the scope of this analysis to French society as a whole, we realise that, in fact, Darwin’s theory had successfully circulated in most social circles. In the first part of this study, we will analyse how the public debate contributed to introducing Darwinism in France. Darwinian theories were all the more appealing to the wider public, both in Paris and in the rest of the country, as they seemed to suggest answers to topical concerns. Then, we will study the issues raised by Darwinism in French society, and how these issues can account for Darwinism’s wide audience. In addition to the reflexions on evolution triggered by Darwin’s theory in most countries, the social and political context paved the way for specifically French interpretations and fears. The third part of this work deals with the scientific reluctance to adopt Darwin’s theory. We can therefore conclude that it is precisely the fact that Darwinism triggered a vast public debate, and became a central political issue, that allowed this theory to be acknowledged by Parisian academic institutions.

30 years into the existence of a unified German Republic, the emphasis of differences, the use of stereotypes and the existence of economic inequalities remain. This affects the younger post-unification generation - children that were born after 1989. The study is concerned with the investigation into the process of identity construction along the East-West binary and the effects this process has on said binary division. Thereby, the Eastern German perspective is stressed by using in-depth interviews with Eastern German respondents for a narrative analysis that is based on structural, interactional and performative principles. This thesis sees its contribution in the renewal of the deadlocked debate about the German East-West discourse by taking a postmodern stance on identity while applying a sociological theoretical framework and postcolonial concepts. The ambivalence in identity construction and the indication for a hybrid form of identity point at the existence of a Third Space, in which socio-political transformations can take place.

This study intends to develop knowledge about how the Swedish concept of values (“Värdegrund”)is used in the media, how the concept has shifted over time in the media from 1992 to 2020, and what this says about the school's function as part of society. Since the concept of values, with its set of values was incorporated, the difficulty over time has been in different emphases of what is considered to strengthen values. Perspectives that in value pedagogical research highlight normative as well as descriptive aspects. Aspects that describe perspectives on the school's civic education and the conditions for it. In the debate about the school's civic education, aspects emerge that refer to the school as a societal function and in some respects as an institution. Here, discourses emerge that are at the framework factor level or at the institutional level that can clarify, exploring and explaining the conditions that emerge in the study's empirical data. Aspects that express both to maintain, reproduce, an ideology and partly to create, produce, and prepare students based on society's demand.  Through the ways in which school and education are treated in the media, the image of the school's social function in a certain time and a certain society is framed. Based on this, I have chosen to use the media as a peephole to see how the school's basic values concept has been activated and used over time. Content analysis has been applied to analyse 91 articles from the newspapers Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet.  The study shows how the school's values, with its set of values, which are found in the first chapter of the national curricula, relate to society's different use and application of the same values, which creates a complexity. The study shows how the school is expected to handle the increased complexity of society. The results and analyses highlight generally normative approaches that express what the school ‘should’ do, even if there are some examples of descriptive “how” different approaches are considered to strengthen values. This is made visible in how schools considered as a corrective and normative practice, where efforts are to a greater extent about counteracting factors that violate the school's values, rather than strengthening what promotes the values.

The purpose of this bachelor thesis was to examine how Swedish opinion journalists chose to portray The Gasoline Uprising 2.0, from both a framing perspective and a perspective of modes of persuasion. The research questions examined were: How does opinion journalists at Swedish daily newspapers frame The Gasoline Uprising 2.0? How does opinion journalists at Swedish daily newspapers use modes of persuasion in opinion pieces about The Gasoline Uprising 2.0?  The methods used in this bachelor thesis were a self made method that we based on Robert M. Entmans existing theory regarding framing. We also used a theory based on Karlberg and Mrals rhetoric method of analysis concerning the perspective modes of persuasions. A mix of these methods were used to examine how Swedish opinion journalists chose to frame The Gasoline Uprising 2.0. By examining the opinion pieces we found a variety of patterns. One of the main frame patterns pointed towards the writers feelings regarding compassion and understanding towards people that live in the countryside. Primarily the writers chose to frame The Gasoline Uprising 2.0 as an issue regarding the increasing polarization between the countryside and the city. The findings concerning the use of modes of persuasion showed that the writers primarily used compassion to increase their credibility during the use of ethos in the opinion pieces. Regarding logos we found that several writers used underlaying causes and compared the Swedish environmental politics to other countries in order to get people behind their thesis. From a pathos perspective, we found that the writers wanted to awaken feelings of empathy and anger within the reader.

Cette thèse s’inscrit dans le champ de la sécurité des organisations. Son objet concerne le développement d’une culture de sécurité, avec comme postulat le fait que la sécurité se fait avec la participation des travailleurs de tous niveaux hiérarchiques de l’organisation. Une recherche fondée sur ce principe a été conduite au sein de deux entreprises de distribution d’énergie en France. Comme beaucoup d’autres, ces entreprises sont axées sur une culture managériale de la sécurité où la sur-procéduralisation, le contrôle des « mauvais comportements » et les sanctions prennent le pas sur le travail réel. Comme conséquence, on constate le développement du « silence organisationnel », les travailleurs étant conduits à ne plus remonter les difficultés ou contradictions vécues sur le terrain, ou à remonter des situations à faible impact. Le retour d’expérience se trouve donc affaibli, voire inefficace. Pour gérer le silence organisationnel et ses conséquences, cette recherche a expérimenté des espaces de débat sur le travail réel entre salariés relevant de différents échelons de l’entreprise. Dès que certaines conditions sont respectées, ces espaces peuvent apporter de nombreuses contributions pour les personnes concernées et pour l’organisation locale. Pour qu’ils soient durables, il faut que ses membres disposent d’un certain pouvoir d’agir pour régler certaines des situations débattues localement, et qu’ils puissent communiquer avec d’autres espaces lorsque les ressources locales s’avèrent insuffisantes. Ainsi, les espaces de débat ne doivent pas être isolés au sein des échelons hiérarchiques, mais doivent être interconnectés en vue de définir le pouvoir d’agir et l’autonomie de chacun d’entre eux. Cette réflexion met en lumière le principe de subsidiarité, qui nous enseigne que chaque situation doit être traitée au niveau pertinent le plus bas de l’organisation. Cette thèse défend donc l’idée que pour traiter le silence organisationnel et développer une culture de sécurité, il est nécessaire de développer le « débat structuré sur le travail » – ou des espaces de débat organisés par le principe de subsidiarité – dans différents échelons de l’entreprise. Quelles sont les contributions réelles du débat structuré sur le travail ? Et ses conditions de mise en place ? Autant de questions auxquelles cette thèse tente de répondre par la construction de dispositifs de débat au sein de l’organisation et par une analyse fine du contenu des ces débats. Les résultats remettent en cause la vision classique de la sécurité basée sur des analyses centrées uniquement sur les situations conflictuelles passées, pour mettre en lumière l’articulation entre l’expérience passée, le débat actuel et les situations futures probables. L’approche mise en oeuvre au cours de ces 3 années a permis de développer une organisation plus résiliente, c’est-à-dire une organisation capable de maintenir un état stable en dépit des perturbations inhérentes à tout système de travail. Cette recherche nous invite à repenser la manière de manager les organisations actuelles. Même si le point de départ de la recherche concernait des questions de sécurité, le développement du débat structuré sur le travail a permis dans le même temps de traiter des questions de santé des travailleurs, de qualité du travail et de performance du système. / This thesis concerns the safety of work organizations. Its purpose is the development of a safety culture, with the postulate that safety must be done with the participation of workers of all levels of the organization. A research based on this principle was conducted in two companies of energy distribution in France. Like many others, these companies are focused on a managerial safety culture where over-proceduralization, control of "bad behavior" and sanctions prevail over the real work. As a consequence, we notice the development of the "organizational silence", workers being led not to report difficulties or contradictions experienced on the field, or to report low-impact situations. Experience feedback is thus weakened or ineffective.To manage this organizational silence and its consequences, this research experimented work debate spaces between workers belonging to different levels of the company. When certain conditions are met, these spaces may have many benefits for the concerned persons and for the local organization. In order to be sustainable, it is necessary that its members have some power to act to manage some of the situations discussed locally, and that they can communicate with other spaces when local resources are insufficient. Thus, work debate spaces should not be isolated in hierarchical levels, but must be interconnected to define the power to act and autonomy of each. This highlights the principle of subsidiarity, which teaches us that each situation should be managed at the lowest appropriate level of the organization. This thesis argues that to manage organizational silence and develop a safety culture, it is necessary to develop a "structured work debate" - or debate spaces organized according to the principle of subsidiarity - in different levels of the company. What are the effective contributions of structured work debate? And its conditions of implementation? These are questions that this thesis attempts to answer by the construction of debate devices within the organization and the detailed analysis of the content of the discussions. The results question the classic view of safety based on analyzes focused only on past situations of conflict, to highlight the link between past experience, the current debate and the likely future situations. The approach implemented during these three years led to develop a more resilient organization, i.e. an organization able of maintaining a stable functioning despite the disturbances inherent to any system of work. This research invites us to rethink the way of managing current organizations. Although the starting point of the research concerned safety issues, the development of a structured work debate allowed at the same time to deal with issues of workers' health, quality of work and performance of the system.

The opponents of the death taxes stand in the left hand corner of the ring and the proponents in the right hand corner. When the bell rings, these two opposing sides exchange blows over the death taxes. The death tax debate lingers in the background of all social conversations and flares up at critical times, such as in election years. To date, no amount of arguing has seen an end to the death tax debate. Although both sides agree that death taxes have shortcomings they cannot agree on the appropriate course of action – no side is willing to concede defeat. However, the death tax debate needs to end; precious time and energy should be focused on issues that are relevant to the current times. The only way in which this debate will end, is if an alternative to the death taxes is found – an alternative that is suitable in the eyes of both the opponents and proponents of the death taxes. There is, nevertheless, a lack of contemporary research aimed at finding death tax alternatives. The existing literature has focused on developing approaches to finding alternative taxes, as opposed to studying the alternative taxes themselves. The primary purpose of this study was to conduct a search for alternative taxes that could replace the death taxes. This search transcended national borders in order to identify international solutions to the age-old problem of death taxes. The suitability of the alternative (in the eyes of both the opponents and proponents of the death taxes) was measured by comparing the advantages and disadvantages associated with the tax alternative identified, to the advantages and disadvantages associated with the death taxes. The secondary purpose of this study was to evaluate whether any of the identified alternatives would be suitable for South Africa. SEPEDI : Baganetši ba lekgetho la lehu ba eme ka lehlakoreng la nngele mola bao ba dumelago go lona, bona ba ipeile ka lehlakoreng la go ja. Ge malokwane a letša phala, go kwagala marumo fela ge ditlhopa tše pedi tše, di botšišana tšeo ba di jelego ngwageng wa tlala. Matswele ona, a kgeila moya. Kganetšo ya lekgetho la lehu kgale entše e swerwe mo maswiswing, e re nyame, e tle e ihlagiše ka dinako tše di kopa kopaneng bjalo ka ngwaga wa dikgetho. Mme fela, ga gona kganetšo efe e kilego ya leka go fetša ntwa ye. Ka bobedi dihlopa di dumelana gore lekgetho la lehu ga se la loka, gomme ga lena kakarêtšô. Empa ga di dumelelane ka tsela ya maleba ye e ka rarollago bothata bjo. Ga gona setlhopa se se ikemišeditšego go beya marumo fase, sa re se fentšwe. Ruri ruri kganetšo ye ya lekgetho la lehu, e swanetše go fela, gomme maatla le nako, di šomišwe mo ditabeng tša sebjale bjale. Tsela ye tee feela yeo e ka fedišago kganetšo ye, ke ge go ka nyakíšíšwa mokgwa o mongwe, wo o ka emelago lekgetho la lehu, selo se tee seo se ka kgotsofatšago dithlopa tše pedi tše. Modiro wo, o thatafatšwa ke gore ga gona dínyakíšíšo tša sebjale bjale mo hlabollong ya lekgetho la lehu. Dingwalwa tšeo di lego gona di lebeletše fela ditsela tše di fapanego tša go ka kgethiša, e sego gore lekgetho la lehu le ka hlabollwa bjang. Ntlha ya pele ya dínyakíšíšo tše, ke go nyakíšíša ditsela tšeo lekgetho la lehu le ka hlabollwago ka gona. Dínyakíšíšo tše, di tshetše mellwane ya setšhaba sa Afrika borwa le ditšhaba tše dingwe tša dinaga mabapi, tšeo di rarollago bothata bjo bjwa lekgetho la lehu. Toka ya tsela e engwe ya go hlabolla lekgetho la lehu, e bonwe ka go nyakíšíša mohola le go lahlega ga mokgwa wo moswa wo. Seo se lebantšhitšwe mahlong a dihlopa tše pedi tše tša lekgetho la lehu. Ntlha ya bobedi ya dínyakíšíšo, ke go bona gore a therešo ruri, ga gona le tsela yeo e kaonafetšego ya lekgetho la lehu, yeo e ka lekanetšwago setšhaba sa rena sa Afrika borwa. / Dissertation (MCom)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Taxation / unrestricted

Every third year a PISA study is conducted, through international measurements for member states of the OECD-organization. This aims to measure each country´s pupils by the ages of 15 years old. Its purpose is to examine how each member´s pupils perform in mathematics, reading comprehensions, sciences and problem solving. In this essay we intend to examine how the PISA studies were received as a creation of opinion and self-image.  This research follows up on selected actors in the media debate surrounding PISA as a tool of argument and means of discussion. The natural demarcation is made by actors; mostly from professional teachers, but also journalists, lectures, writers and school experts in the fields. Its purpose is to give a well-balanced and comprehensive picture of the PISA-debates. From a political standpoint the actors represent different positions of the spectrum. The study consists of a total of 10 actors. Between the years of 2004-2005 and 2016-2017 of the PISA 2003 and 2015. This paper will focus on the PISA studies that were done by the years of 2003 and 2015. By working with different PISA studies with a long span of time between them. This is done as a conscious strategy in favor of the comparative study. In this essay the conceptual changes between these two PISA studies will be examined and studied with a conceptual analysis.