The thesis is a study of the early stages of the writing cycle in an English for Academic Purposes (EAP) class at the University of Singapore. The study focuses on a group brainstorming activity prior to the stage of writing the first draft and on the impact of this activity on the students’ first individual drafts. In addition, the study compares two different modes of discussion: face-to-face and online synchronous chat. The comparison is concerned with the interactional patterns of the discussion in the two modes, and with the transfer of content from the discussion to the first written drafts. The use of group brainstorming at the pre-writing stage is a familiar activity in the writing class but researchers have not yet paid much attention to the way in which the ideas generated in the brainstorming activity are transferred to individual written drafts. It is this gap that this dissertation seeks to fill. A question of particular interest is the extent to which knowledge construction in the composition class is accomplished by the individual or by the group. Data were collected from four classes of first-year undergraduate students of Science taught by the researcher. The control group, with 31 members, carried out their brainstorming activity in face-to-face mode, while the experimental group, with 27 members, carried out their brainstorming using a synchronous chat facility. The primary data were the chat scripts, face-to-face transcripts and first writing drafts. Analysis of the discussion data was carried out using a genre-based content analysis model deriving from speech act theory (Sinclair and Coulthard, 1975), rhetorical structure theory (Mann & Thompson 1986, 1988), and more recent work on collaborative writing by Plowman (1993), think-aloud protocols (Smagorinsky, 1991) and collaborative computer-based communication by Garrison and Anderson (2003), among others. The model is used to count the frequency of different ideas according to their rhetorical characteristics in the two conditions (face-to-face and synchronous chat), and to determine whether the ideas were generated by individuals or through group discussion. The analysis then looks at the extent to which the ideas were subsequently reproduced in individual drafts. The frequency analyses are complemented by detailed qualitative analysis of the discussion transcripts and the essays of four students, two from each discussion mode. The results of the analysis suggest that collaborative brainstorming is productive in helping students with the generation and development of ideas for their writing. The findings also suggest that there is a strong link between ownership and use of ideas initiated in the discussion. This tendency is stronger in the chat group than in the face-to-face group. Analysis of the discussion transcripts suggests that this difference is a result of more ideas being initiated in the chat group. In addition to these group differences, the analysis shows that discussion in both modes is characterised by a tendency to seek consensus, with very little argument and negotiation of content. The implications of these findings for the use of group discussion in the writing class are discussed.

L’un des buts de l’apprentissage des mathématiques est le développement du raisonnement et celui-ci participe à la compréhension des mathématiques. Très liée au raisonnement, la notion de preuve est aussi fondamentale à l’apprentissage des mathématiques, car elle permet d’établir la validité d’arguments mathématiques et de conférer un sens à différents concepts à travers l’explication de l’organisation logique du travail effectué. Toutefois, malgré l’importance accordée au développement de différents types de raisonnements, plusieurs élèves éprouvent des difficultés lorsqu’ils sont appelés à concevoir ou à évaluer des preuves. Dans le cadre de cette recherche, nous avons étudié l’impact de l’utilisation d’un forum électronique sur le développement d’habiletés de validation algébrique ainsi que sur le développement d’habiletés en lien avec l’évaluation de preuves en algèbre chez des élèves de 13 et 14 ans du Nouveau-Brunswick et du Québec. Les résultats laissent supposer que l’utilisation du forum électronique encourage le passage des preuves pragmatiques aux preuves intellectuelles, en plus de favoriser une utilisation adéquate des règles du débat mathématique. / One of the goals of learning mathematics is the development of reasoning, because it is essential to understand mathematics. Closely related to reasoning, the notion of proof is also fundamental in the learning of mathematics, because it allows students to establish the validity of mathematical arguments and put a sense on various concepts through logical explanation of their work. However, in spite of the importance placed on the development of the capacity to reason mathematically, several students are confronted with difficulties during the development or the evaluation of proofs. This study examined the impact of the use of a discussion forum on the development of algebraic validation skills as well as on the development of skills linked with the evaluation of the proof process in algebra with 13 and 14 year old students from New Brunswick and Quebec (Canada). The results lead us to believe that the use of the electronic forum encourages the passage from pragmatic proofs to intellectual proofs. It also seems to facilitate an adequate use of the rules of the mathematical debate.

The aim of the study was to examine the ways in which the presidential candidates Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump were portrayed in articles regarding the first presidential debate of 2016. We also wanted to examine the differences and similarities between the framing of the two candidates as well as which frames varied between the newspapers from Sweden and the USA and which they had in common. We made a qualitative framing analysis of 14 articles from 14 different newspapers half of which were from Sweden and half from the USA. The result shows that Hillary Clinton is most often portrayed as an experienced and professional politician whereas Donald Trump is portrayed as her opposite in both regards. The framing of Trump shows him as an outsider from the business world, who has a history of controversial behavior in which he is accused of both racism and sexism. Both candidates are portrayed as highly disliked by the American people. They are also portrayed as dishonest as a consequence of their respective scandals where they are being accused of having hidden something from the public – Clinton in her use of a private e-mail server during her time as secretary of state – Trump due to his unreleased tax returns. The American and the Swedish articles frame the candidates similarly, although the American newspapers are more prone to the usage of harsh language in describing the candidates and their actions in the debate. The Swedish newspapers tend to use less emotive words in re-telling the debate.

L’historiographie de la Révolution haïtienne est en plein essor depuis les vingt dernières années. Il existe désormais un large éventail d’interprétations sur les événements qui mènent à la création d’Haïti. L’objet de ce mémoire est d’exposer différentes perspectives sur des questions qui demeurent cruciales dans l’historiographie contemporaine. Le mémoire est divisé en trois sections. Chacun des chapitres développe une problématique particulière de l’historiographie en mettant en parallèle les conclusions de différents chercheurs. Le premier chapitre est consacré au thème de la transformation de la révolte en révolution. Ensuite, il sera question de l'impact de la Révolution haïtienne sur l'histoire de l'esclavage dans le monde atlantique. Pour conclure, la dichotomie entre l’absence de longue date de la Révolution haïtienne dans l’historiographie occidentale et l’attention qu’elle reçoit aujourd’hui sera examinée dans le troisième chapitre. Aujourd’hui, la réécriture de la Révolution haïtienne est très populaire et attire des chercheurs de différents milieux. C’est dans ce contexte que ce mémoire présente une mise en perspective des principaux débats idéologiques de l’historiographie de la Révolution haïtienne depuis les années quatre-vingt-dix. / The historiography of the Haitian Revolution has flourished over the last twenty years. A wide range of interpretations of the events that lead to the creation of Haiti now exist. The purpose of this thesis is to assess different perspectives on issues central to the contemporary historiography. The thesis is divided into three sections. Each chapter develops a particular problem in the historiography by exploring the findings of various researchers. In the first chapter, the theme of the transformation of the revolt in revolution will be studied. Then, we will analyse how researchers assess the impact of the Haitian Revolution on the history of slavery in the Atlantic world. To conclude, the dichotomy between the longstanding absence of the Haitian Revolution in the Western historiography and the attention it receives today will be discussed in the third chapter. Today, the Haitian Revolution draws a great amount of attention from researchers from different backgrounds. It is in this context that this thesis presents a perspective of the major ideological debates in the historiography of the Haitian Revolution since the 1990s.

Les explications politiques de la fin de la monarchie de Juillet demandent à être reconsidérées. L’historiographie, s’appuyant sur les témoignages des acteurs qui l’ont combattue a insisté sur le refus du roi d’accorder la réforme électorale et parlementaire, refus appuyé par le cabinet ministériel dirigé par Guizot et par la Chambre des députés. La Charte de 1830 définissait le cadre d’un régime où le roi avait sa place et où le gouvernement devait chercher l’appui et le concours des chambres parlementaires. Dans ces conditions, le pouvoir exécutif devait obtenir l’assentiment des assemblées pour mener sa politique. Le refus de la réforme s’explique alors par l’obtention d’une majorité parlementaire acquise au gouvernement par des moyens peu avouables (élections manipulées, corruption, pressions de toutes sortes sur les députés) et la présence massive de députés fonctionnaires a priori dociles et obéissants. Était-ce vraiment le cas ? La dernière Chambre des députés élue en 1846 voit une victoire ministérielle incontestable plus fondée sur les effets du suffrage censitaire que par des manipulations. Le comportement de cette majorité durant cette courte législature révèle en fait que le cabinet s’occupa plus de composer avec les dissensions qui sont apparues en son sein que d’essayer de la diriger et de la dominer. En réalité, on en vient à se demander si Guizot, loin d’imposer son point de vue aux députés ministériels n’était pas en fin de compte le porte-parole de leurs aspirations conservatrices. / The political explanations for the downfall of the July monarchy require re-examination. Relying on testimonies from the politicians who battled against it, historiography gives preference to the king’s refusal of parliamentary and electoral reform, a refusal that was backed by the ministerial cabinet under the direction of Guizot and the Chamber of deputies. The Charter of 1830 laid the foundations of a regime with a place for the king, and where the government had to solicit the assistance and cooperation of the assemblies. In these conditions, in order to conduct its policies, the executive branch had to first obtain the consent of the assemblies. The refusal of reform is thus attributed to the government’s winning the parliamentary majority by dubious means (corruption, rigged elections, and putting deputies under pressure of all sorts) and the immense presence of bureaucrats who were assumed obedient and docile. Was this really the case? The monarchy’s last Chamber of deputies, elected in 1846, reached an incontestable ministerial victory, due more to the effects of censitary suffrage than rigging. The behavior of this majority over the short course of this term of office actually reveals that the cabinet was more concerned with dissent from within than it was with trying to lead and dominate it. By this one is led to wonder if Guizot, far from imposing his point of view on ministerial deputies, wasn’t actually the spokesperson for their conservative aspirations.

A partir d’une problématique suscitée par l’élaboration de l’Observatoire des Conditions de Travail de l’Agence Nationale pour l’Emploi (ANPE) auquel nous avons participé en Convention Industrielle de Formation par la Recherche (CIFRE), la thèse retrace les généalogies conceptuelles qui ont amené aux visions actuelles du concept de « conditions de travail », qui s’est institutionnalisé en France vers 1970 en restant sans définition. Marqué au niveau de sa structure par une conception factorielle issue de la division du travail, et par une conception séquentielle issue du taylorisme qui s’y est superposée, il se constitue progressivement au niveau de son sens dans les débats du XIXe siècle dans une dialectique entre droit-liberté et pouvoir-domination qui s’apparente à une conception politique des conditions pour le travail, subsumée à partir du mouvement de rationalisation du début du XXe siècle par une conception organisationnelle de conditions entièrement normées ou normables. Ces conditions tendent alors à être traitées dans des négociations institutionnelles, en désadhérence de la dialectique permanente et sans cesse renouvelée du normatif et du normé dans l’activité. Cette distance entre le concept et la vie est une usurpation épistémologique dont nous proposons le dépassement par une modélisation ergologique du concept mettant en visibilité les multiples entités de débats de normes, et donc de valeurs, du micro au macro dans l’espace social. Ce mode de traitement renouvelé du concept au profit de ceux qui travaillent, favoriserait l’émergence d’alternatives laissées en pénombre dans l’activité, sources potentielles de performance pour les entités productives. / Stemming from an issue concerning the creation of the observatory of the working conditions within the French National Employment Agency (ANPE) that we participated in as beneficiary of an industrial research grant (CIFRE), the thesis retraces the conceptual genealogies that led to the current views on the concept of « working conditions », which was institutionalized in France around 1970 but remain undefined. Initially structured according to a factorial understanding based on the division of labour, then extended using sequential design derived from taylorism, its meaning is progressively built during the nineteenth century through dialectics between rights-freedom and authority-domination which refers to a political understanding of the working conditions, subsumed from the early twentieth century’s rationalization movement by an organizational design of fully standardized or standardizable conditions. These conditions then tend to be exploited within institutional negotiations, being disconnected from continuously renewed dialectics between normative and normed in activity. This gap between the concept and real life is an epistemological usurpation which we propose to surpass using an ergological way of modeling the concept that brings visibility to multiple groups of debates regarding standards, and therefore values, from micro to macro in the social space. This renewed way of addressing the concept which benefits to those who work, could promote the emergence of alternatives left in the semi-darkness of the activity, potential sources of performance for productive groups.

L’affirmation que les médias constituent le « quatrième pouvoir » semble appartenir à ces évidences que l’on ne questionne pas toujours tant de la part des professionnels des médias que de certains intellectuels. Vérité qui semble d’autant plus évidente que les médias en démontrent l’effectivité par leur capacité à mobiliser les publics autour d’un événement ou encore d’une série télévisuelle. Pour ne pas transformer une telle assertion en un « concept mou », il fallait la mettre à l’épreuve en l’appliquant à un contexte (le Sénégal) et à une époque (1960-2000), et surtout à un groupe particulier, celui des intellectuels. L’avantage de ce groupe est qu’il est doté de compétences (savoir et savoir-faire) lui donnant un « pouvoir » symbolique. C’est ainsi que dans le contexte sénégalais, ces derniers consolideront au fil du temps leur « puissance » par l’intermédiaire des divers supports (revues, romans, essais, etc.), mais aussi par les débats publics et les grandes manifestations intellectuelles (congrès, symposiums, festivals, etc.). Ces divers modes de légitimation et de consécration qui prouvent leur degré d’engagement, seront confrontés aux médias qui, en se multipliant à partir des années 80, développent des stratégies d’influence fondées sur la visibilité et l’utilisation accrue des langues nationales. Ce qui aura comme effets émergents non seulement de faire émerger de nouvelles légitimités sociales, mais encore de dégager de nouvelles configurations socioculturelles, politiques, intellectuelles et publiques, notamment une figure intellectuelle plus attentive aux créations culturelles locales. / The assertion that the medias have become the “fourth power” seems to be part of the self-evident facts that the professionals of the medias as well some intellectuals need not always question. A truth that is all the more obvious because the medias regularly prove it through their capacity to mobilize people around an event or even a televised series. In order not to turn such an assertion into a “soft concept”, it has been worth putting it to the practical test within the context of Senegal during the period (1960-2000) by chiefly applying it to the particular group of the intellectuals. The advantage of such a group lies on its competences (knowledge and know-how) that have given it a symbolic “power”. Thus, in the Senegalese context the intellectuals have consolidated, in the long run, their “strength” through various means of publications (journals, novels, essays, etc.), as well as through public debates and important intellectual gatherings (congresses, symposiums, festivals etc.). Those various ways of official recognition and consecration, that have proven their level of commitment, have confronted the medias which, by growing in large numbers in the 80s, have developed influential strategies based on visibility and the increased use of the national languages. The consequent emerging effects have not only made new social legitimacies rise up, but have also caused new sociocultural, political, intellectual and public configurations come out, especially an intellectual figure that has been more attentive to the cultural creations.

L'apprentissage des preuves mathématiques déductives est fondamental dans l'enseignement des mathématiques. Pourtant, la dernière enquête TIMSS (Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study) menée par l'IEA ("International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement") en mars 2015, le niveau général des étudiants en mathématiques est en baisse et les étudiants éprouvent de plus en plus de difficultés pour comprendre et écrire les preuves mathématiques déductives.Pour aborder ce problème, plusieurs travaux en didactique des mathématiques utilisent l’apprentissage collaboratif en classe.L'apprentissage collaboratif consiste à regrouper des étudiants pour travailler ensemble dans le but d'atteindre un objectif commun. Il repose sur le débat et l'argumentation. Les étudiants s'engagent dans des discussions pour exprimer leurs points de vue sous forme d'arguments et de contre-arguments dans le but de résoudre un problème posé.L’argumentation utilisée dans ces approches est basée sur des discussions informelles qui permettent aux étudiants d'exprimer publiquement leurs déclarations et de les justifier pour construire des preuves déductives. Ces travaux ont montré que l’argumentation est une méthode efficace pour l’apprentissage des preuves mathématiques : (i) elle améliore la pensée critique et les compétences métacognitives telles que l'auto-surveillance et l'auto-évaluation (ii) augmente la motivation des étudiants par les interactions sociales et (iii) favorise l'apprentissage entre les étudiants. Du point de vuedes enseignants, certaines difficultés surgissent avec ces approches pour l'évaluation des preuves déductives. En particulier, l'évaluation des résultats, qui comprend non seulement la preuve finale mais aussi les étapes intermédiaires, les discussions, les conflits qui peuvent exister entre les étudiants durant le débat. En effet, cette évaluation introduit une charge de travail importante pour les enseignants.Dans cette thèse, nous proposons un système pour la construction et l'évaluation des preuves mathématiques déductives. Ce système a un double objectif : (i) permettre aux étudiants de construire des preuves mathématiques déductives à partir un débat argumentatif structuré (ii) aider les enseignants à évaluer ces preuves et toutes les étapes intermédiaires afin d'identifier les erreurs et les lacunes et de fournir un retour constructif aux étudiants.Le système offre aux étudiants un cadre structuré pour débattre durant la construction de la preuve en utilisant les cadres d'argumentation proposés en intelligente artificielle. Ces cadres d’argumentation sont utilisés aussi dans l’analyse du débat qui servira pour représenter le résultat sous différentes formes afin de faciliter l’évaluation aux enseignants. Dans un second temps, nous avons implanté et validé le système par une étude expérimentale pour évaluer son acceptabilité dans la construction collaborative des preuves déductives par les étudiants et dans l’évaluation de ces preuves par les enseignants. / Learning deductive proofs is fundamental for mathematics education. Yet, many students have difficulties to understand and write deductive mathematical proofs which has severe consequences for problem solving as highlighted by several studies. According to the recent study of TIMSS (Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study), the level of students in mathematics is falling. students have difficulties to understand mathematics and more precisely to build and structure mathematical proofs.To tackle this problem, several approaches in mathematical didactics have used a social approach in classrooms where students are engaged in a debate and use argumentation in order to build proofs.The term "argumentation" in this context refers to the use of informal discussions in classrooms to allow students to publicly express claims and justify them to build proofs for a given problem. The underlying hypotheses are that argumentation: (i) enhances critical thinking and meta-cognitive skills such as self monitoring and self assessment; (ii) increases student's motivation by social interactions; and (iii) allows learning among students. From instructors' point of view, some difficulties arise with these approaches for assessment. In fact, the evaluation of outcomes -- that includes not only the final proof but also all intermediary steps and aborted attempts -- introduces an important work overhead.In this thesis, we propose a system for constructing and evaluating deductive mathematical proofs. The system has a twofold objective: (i) allow students to build deductive mathematical proofs using structured argumentative debate; (ii) help the instructors to evaluate these proofs and assess all intermediary steps in order to identify misconceptions and provide a constructive feedback to students. The system provides students with a structured framework to debate during construction of proofs using the proposed argumentation frameworks in artificial intelligence. These argumentation frameworks are also used in the analysis of the debate which will be used to represent the result in different forms in order to facilitate the evaluation to the instructors. The system has been implemented and evaluated experimentally by students in the construction of deductive proofs and instructors in the evaluation of these proofs.

The purpose of this thesis work is to investigate how research on honor-related violence is structured and how this can potentially affect social work. The scientific problem we see is about the fact that the polarized debate regarding honor-related violence is a growing problem, not only in Sweden, but also in other Nordic countries. Honor-related violence is an effect of when the honor becomes affected and the person who is subjected to honor-related violence is controlled by the family´s norms and rules, this can lead to sanctions in the form of mental and physical violence. Our research question aims to investigate how research on honor-related violence in Sweden is structured and how the polarized explanations of culture and intersectionality can influence the social work on honor-related violence. We argue that the polarized and shifting explanations of cause for the honor-related violence affect the social work and the education of social workers. The research question and the related issues have been studied through a qualitative inductive research approach and the empirical material has been analyzed based on Laclau and Mouffe’s social constructivist discourse analytical instruments. We analyzed seven research works written by researchers in Sweden. What we intend to study is how these researchers portray and structure honor-related violence based on the two causal explanations of culture and intersectionality. The result shows that the cultural explanation model is more prevalent than the intersectinal line of argument regarding the honor-related violence. The empirical material define the nature of honor-related ciolence in a similar way, but that the explanations of cause separates them. Our conclusion is, among other things, that we see how one cannot relate to honor-related violence without looking at culture, but that the intersectional analysis of violence also is necessary in order to be able to absorb all surrounding influencing factors. The intersectional perspective on honor-related violence, however, emphasizes that the cultural explanation becomes a fact when research has not succeeded in solving how social work practice should deviate from a cultural stereotyping when it comes to the issue of honor-related violence. / Syftet med detta uppsatsarbete är att undersöka hur forskning kring hedersrelaterat våld är strukturerat och hur detta potentiellt kan påverka det sociala arbetet. Det vetenskapliga problemet som vi ser föreligger handlar om att den polariserade debatten om det hedersrelaterade våldet på politisk nivå även går att urskilja på en forkskarnivå. Hedersrelaterat våld är ett växande problem, inte bara i Sverige, utan även i andra nordiska länder. Hedersrelaterat våld är en effekt av när hedern blir drabbad och den som blir utsatt för hedersrelaterat våld blir kontrollerad av familjens eller släktens normer och regler, detta kan leda till sanktioner i form av psykiskt och fysiskt våld. Vår forskningsfråga ämnar att undersöka hur forskning om hedersrelaterat våld i Sverige är strukturerad och hur de polariserade orsaksförklaringarna kultur och intersektionalitet kan påverka det sociala arbetet kring hedersrelaterat våld. Vi hävdar att de polariserade och skiftande orsaksförklaringarna kring det hedersrelaterade våldet påverkar det sociala arbete och socionomers utbildning. Forskningsfrågan och de tillhörande frågeställningarna har studerats genom en kvalitativ induktiv forskningsansats och det empiriska materialet har analyserats utifrån Laclau och Mouffes socialkonstruktivistiska diskursanalytiska instrument. Vi har analyserat sju stycken forskningsverk skrivna av forskare i Sverige. Det vi ämnar att studera är hur dessa forskningsverk porträtterar och strukturerar hedersrelaterat våld utifrån de två orsaksförklaringarna kulturförklaringar och intersektionalitet. Resultatet visar att den kulturella förklaringsmodellen är mer förekommande än den  intersektionella argumentationslinje gällande det hedersrelaterade våldet. Alla forskningsverk definierar det hedersrelaterade våldets art på liknande sätt, men att orsaksförklaringarna går isär. Vår slutsats är bland annat att vi ser hur en ej kan förhålla sig till hedersrelaterat våld utan att se till kultur, men att den intersektionella analysen av våldet också är nödvändig för att kunna ta in alla omkringliggande påverkande faktorer. Det intersektionella perspektivet kring hedersrelaterat våld poängterar dock att den kulturella förklaringen blir ett faktum då forskning inte lyckats lösa hur en inom det sociala arbetets praktik ska avvända en kulturell stereotypisering när det kommer till frågan om hedersproblematik.

This study aims from a gender perspective to examine how the audience pay attention to people of power in news media. To examine this we viewed how televiewers pay attention to party leaders in televised political debates. The studys gender perspective can be divided into two main aspects, on one hand whether the party leaders gender have any impact on the televiewers attention and on the other hand whether the televiewers gender have any impact on how they divide their attention. The questions examined are “how do televiewers pay attention to male versus female party leaders in political televised debates?” and “what differences and similarities can be found in how male versus female televiewers pay attention to party leaders in political televised debates?”. To get a comprehensive understanding of the audiences attention we combined two different methods; eye tracking methodology and qualitative interview. Eye tracking generated objective knowledge of the televiewers visual fixations while the qualitative interview gave us a deeper understanding of their memorialization. Five men and five women participated in this study.  Our results show that our participants give more detailed attention to the female party leaders appearances, while to a greater extent remembering the male party leaders political statements. We found more similarities than differences in how male versus female televiewers pay attention to party leaders, both with and without regard of the party leaders gender. For example male politicians seem to be the norm for what makes a party leader, since many participants primarily tend to fixate on them while also remembering their statements. However, our male participants tend to make fewer but longer fixations while our female participants instead tend to make more but shorter fixations. To summarize the results, we can see that both the party leaders and the televiewers gender have an significance to the televiewers attention.