This study aims to show who the most common participants of the debates in the Swedish press are, when it comes to gender, social status and the subjects that are debated. To investigate this, a quantitative content analysis was used, counting and analysing all the debate articles from ten swedish newspapers between 1st April 2018 and 31st May 2018. There were 723 articles included in our study, and debate articles that were replies to other debates and those which were less than 1500 digits were excluded. The articles were analysed according to their length, which newspaper they came from, what gender the debator had, what the subject of the debate was, the actuality of the debate and the debators social status. The result of the study shows that men are more frequently appearing in the debates than women, and the most common debator in the Swedish press is a politician that debates politics and political proposals. It also shows that men and women tend to debate different subjects, as men are more frequent debators in subjects like trade and industry, international affairs and immigration, and women are more frequent when it comes to healthcare, education and environmental issues.

Dissertação voltada à investigação do debate doutrinário acerca do princípio da supremacia do interesse público sobre o particular no direito administrativo brasileiro. Busca identificar pontos de convergência entre as teses doutrinárias brasileiras que discutem este princípio para então, a partir de tais pontos, verificar a existência de algum substrato teórico evolutivo decorrente dos consensos identificados. Examina o debate mencionado através do estabelecimento de três dimensões de análise: a primeira, investigando as divergências teóricas que dizem respeito à noção jurídica de interesse público; a segunda, investigando as divergências teóricas que problematizam o caráter principiológico da supremacia do interesse público sobre o particular; e a terceira, investigando as divergências teóricas existentes quanto à centralidade do princípio da supremacia do interesse público sobre o particular no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro em potencial situação de compatibilidade ou incompatibilidade com o princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana e, consequentemente, com os direitos fundamentais do homem e com a teleologia democrática, promanada da constituição federal de 1988. Precede a mencionada investigação, sem embargo, alguns apontamentos acerca de questões correlatas ao debate, sobretudo, a importância do papel desempenhado pela doutrina administrativista tanto no processo evolutivo do princípio da supremacia do interesse público sobre o particular quanto no desenvolvimento histórico do direito administrativo brasileiro como um todo. / The present dissertation aims at investigating the doutrinary debate about the principle of supremacy of the public over private interest concerning Brazilian administrative law. The study focuses on identifying points of convergence within Brazilian doutrinary theses that discuss this principle to then from those points on verify the existence of any theoretical evolutionary substrate emerging from the consensus identified. It examines the above-mentioned debate by establishing three dimensions of analysis: the first, investigating the theoretical divergences regarding the juridical concept of public interest; the second, investigating the theoretical divergences that problematize the law principle character of the supremacy of the public over private interest; and the third, investigating the theoretical divergences within the centrality of the principle of supremacy of the public over private interest concerning the Brazilian juridical system in potential situation of compatibility or incompatibility with the principle of dignity of the human being and, consequently, with the fundamental human rights and with the democratic teleology, which arises from the federal constitution of 1988. However, a few issues regarding questions related to the debate precede the above-mentioned investigation, especially the importance of the role of administrative doctrine not only in the evolutionary process of the principle of supremacy of the public over private interest but also in the historical development of Brazilian administrative law as a whole.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:16:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Natalina Ribeiro.pdf: 1437637 bytes, checksum: f617712bb67864255a715b9ef54ab8fd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The thesis examines the historical origins of the debate on policy councils through the trajectory of subjects, projects and proposals in dispute in Brazilian society. The survey is based on the analysis of documents and literature, complemented by interviews with privileged persons of the studied dynamics. In the process of the survey, the area of health policies was focused on for its pioneer role in the implementation of channels for popular participation, created as a result of the dynamics and struggles brought about by the popular movements for health care and sanitarian, foremost protagonists of the initiatives that originated the health councils, acknowledged as a reference for other public policies. Supported by its consolidated legitimacy together with the people represented, these actors craved for the construction of spaces of dispute within the State and the conquest of the right to interfere in the health policies. As such, in the context of the military dictatorship (1964-1984) and under the influence of international agencies, we observe the inclusion of these sectors of the opposition in various instances of the state apparatus, designed as a strategy for the struggle for rights, the appropriation and resignification of the concepts and spaces hegemonized by the authoritarian project. As a result of these struggles, the councils were implemented in the early 1990s, at the same time as neo-liberal adjustment measures were imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). In this adverse situation, the councils constituted themselves as mechanisms of resistance, social control and propositions, with the potential to articulate actors and proposals within the perspective of democratic construction. The survey concludes that such a potential can only be realized insofar as they are inserted in the strategies of a democratic political project, capable of providing backup to the counselors in their struggles, giving a collective meaning to the exercise of participation. At the moment, it remains to be seen what space and role the councils have in the construction of the dispute for hegemony in Brazil / A tese analisa o debate das origens históricas dos conselhos de políticas públicas através da trajetória de sujeitos, propostas e projetos em disputa na sociedade brasileira. A pesquisa apoiou-se em análises documental e da literatura, complementadas por entrevistas com interlocutores privilegiados das dinâmicas investigadas. A área da saúde foi priorizada no processo de pesquisa por seu pioneirismo na implementação de canais de participação popular, criados a partir de dinâmicas e enfrentamentos desencadeados pelos movimentos populares de saúde e sanitarista, principais protagonistas das iniciativas que deram origem aos conselhos de saúde, apontados como referência para as demais áreas das políticas públicas. Apoiados na legitimidade consolidada junto às suas bases, tais atores almejaram a construção de espaços de disputa no interior da esfera estatal e a conquista de autoridade para interferir nas políticas de saúde. Assim, no contexto da ditadura militar (1964-1984) e sob influência das agências internacionais, observouse a inserção destes setores da oposição em diferentes instâncias do aparelho de Estado, adotando como estratégia de lutas por direitos a apropriação e ressignificação dos conceitos e espaços hegemonizados pelo projeto autoritário. Fruto destes enfrentamentos, os conselhos foram criados e implementados, a partir da década de 1990, ao mesmo tempo das medidas de ajuste neoliberal impostas pelo Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI). Nesta conjuntura adversa, constituíram-se em mecanismos de resistência, controle social e proposições, com potencial de articular atores e propostas na perspectiva da construção democrática. O processo investigativo concluiu que tal potencial só pode ser realizado na medida em que estejam inseridos nas estratégias de um projeto político democrático capaz de fornecer retaguarda aos conselheiros nos seus processos de enfrentamento e conferir sentido coletivo ao exercício da participação. No entanto, resta saber o lugar e o papel ocupado pelos conselhos na arquitetura da disputa pela hegemonia no Brasil

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Erilene Araujo.pdf: 751585 bytes, checksum: 1cfe6577e507a9844ae716266eb893ef (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-01 / The magazine Teoria e Debate (TD) is the most traditional communication vehicle of the Worker s Party (PT). It was created in 1987 by the Regional Directorate of the PT in São Paulo and, since 1997 has been published by the Fundação Perseu Abramo, also an organ of the party. The magazine is produced with the voluntary collaboration of intellectuals and organized by a small editorial staff. The objective of the magazine is to go beyond the limits of the partisan media and to be perceived as a space for debate and reflection about Brazilian leftist theories. When the magazine had gained some maturity, TD was faced with a big challenge: how to discuss the political crisis of 2005, which had touched the center of the PT and President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva s government. The present dissertation studies these questions: How did the political crisis of 2005 which was known as the mensalão case enter into the contents of Teoria e Debate? What was said and which individuals were chosen to narrate the case? The research was done by analysis of 38 political articles published in the magazine in 2005 and 2006. As it is an analytical publication elaborated by and addressed to intellectuals, the first chapter of the dissertation relates theoretical reflections about the intellectuals and their politics, utilizing ideas from classic authors such as Antonio Gramsci and Daniel Pécaut. The second chapter discusses the genesis of the Worker s Party analyses and the intellectual participation in the process of its creation and then discusses the loss of political influence of the group since the 1990 s, when the electoral campaigning created a new dimension in the PT. The third chapter is dedicated an analysis of party communication and the impact of that communication during the crises of 2005 caused mainly by the magazine. Based on the analysis of the 38 articles, the last chapter discusses the Teoria e Debate coverage in three periods: before, during and after the political crises of 2005 / A revista Teoria e Debate é o veículo de comunicação mais tradicional do Partido dos Trabalhadores. Ela foi criada em 1987 pelo Diretório Regional do PT São Paulo e, desde 1997, é editada pela Fundação Perseu Abramo, também do partido. A publicação é elaborada a partir da colaboração voluntária de intelectuais e organizada por uma pequena redação. Propõe-se a ultrapassar os limites da mídia partidária, para ser percebida como um espaço reservado ao debate e à reflexão teórica da esquerda brasileira. Quando atingiu a maioridade, a revista enfrentou um grande desafio: discutir a crise política de 2005, que atingia o centro do PT e do governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Em que medida a crise política de 2005 que ficou conhecida como o caso mensalão entrou na pauta de Teoria e Debate, o que foi dito e que personagens foram escalados para narrar o caso? A investigação foi feita com base na análise de 38 textos com foco em política, publicados na revista entre 2005 e 2006. Por se tratar de uma publicação analítica elaborada por e destinada a intelectuais, o primeiro capítulo da dissertação traz uma reflexão teórica sobre os intelectuais e a política, à luz de autores clássicos como Antonio Gramsci e Daniel Pécaut. O segundo recupera a gênese do Partido dos Trabalhadores, analisa a participação dos intelectuais no processo de criação do partido e discute a perda da influência política do grupo, a partir da década de 1990, quando a disputa eleitoral ganhou uma nova dimensão dentro do PT. O terceiro capítulo é dedicado a análise da comunicação petista e dos impactos que a crise de 2005 provocou sobre ela e, principalmente, para Teoria e Debate. Com base nos 38 artigos, o último capítulo discorre sobre a cobertura da revista em três momentos: antes, durante e depois da crise política de 2005

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Erilene Araujo.pdf: 751585 bytes, checksum: 1cfe6577e507a9844ae716266eb893ef (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-01 / The magazine Teoria e Debate (TD) is the most traditional communication vehicle of the Worker s Party (PT). It was created in 1987 by the Regional Directorate of the PT in São Paulo and, since 1997 has been published by the Fundação Perseu Abramo, also an organ of the party. The magazine is produced with the voluntary collaboration of intellectuals and organized by a small editorial staff. The objective of the magazine is to go beyond the limits of the partisan media and to be perceived as a space for debate and reflection about Brazilian leftist theories. When the magazine had gained some maturity, TD was faced with a big challenge: how to discuss the political crisis of 2005, which had touched the center of the PT and President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva s government. The present dissertation studies these questions: How did the political crisis of 2005 which was known as the mensalão case enter into the contents of Teoria e Debate? What was said and which individuals were chosen to narrate the case? The research was done by analysis of 38 political articles published in the magazine in 2005 and 2006. As it is an analytical publication elaborated by and addressed to intellectuals, the first chapter of the dissertation relates theoretical reflections about the intellectuals and their politics, utilizing ideas from classic authors such as Antonio Gramsci and Daniel Pécaut. The second chapter discusses the genesis of the Worker s Party analyses and the intellectual participation in the process of its creation and then discusses the loss of political influence of the group since the 1990 s, when the electoral campaigning created a new dimension in the PT. The third chapter is dedicated an analysis of party communication and the impact of that communication during the crises of 2005 caused mainly by the magazine. Based on the analysis of the 38 articles, the last chapter discusses the Teoria e Debate coverage in three periods: before, during and after the political crises of 2005 / A revista Teoria e Debate é o veículo de comunicação mais tradicional do Partido dos Trabalhadores. Ela foi criada em 1987 pelo Diretório Regional do PT São Paulo e, desde 1997, é editada pela Fundação Perseu Abramo, também do partido. A publicação é elaborada a partir da colaboração voluntária de intelectuais e organizada por uma pequena redação. Propõe-se a ultrapassar os limites da mídia partidária, para ser percebida como um espaço reservado ao debate e à reflexão teórica da esquerda brasileira. Quando atingiu a maioridade, a revista enfrentou um grande desafio: discutir a crise política de 2005, que atingia o centro do PT e do governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Em que medida a crise política de 2005 que ficou conhecida como o caso mensalão entrou na pauta de Teoria e Debate, o que foi dito e que personagens foram escalados para narrar o caso? A investigação foi feita com base na análise de 38 textos com foco em política, publicados na revista entre 2005 e 2006. Por se tratar de uma publicação analítica elaborada por e destinada a intelectuais, o primeiro capítulo da dissertação traz uma reflexão teórica sobre os intelectuais e a política, à luz de autores clássicos como Antonio Gramsci e Daniel Pécaut. O segundo recupera a gênese do Partido dos Trabalhadores, analisa a participação dos intelectuais no processo de criação do partido e discute a perda da influência política do grupo, a partir da década de 1990, quando a disputa eleitoral ganhou uma nova dimensão dentro do PT. O terceiro capítulo é dedicado a análise da comunicação petista e dos impactos que a crise de 2005 provocou sobre ela e, principalmente, para Teoria e Debate. Com base nos 38 artigos, o último capítulo discorre sobre a cobertura da revista em três momentos: antes, durante e depois da crise política de 2005

Está em curso no Senado Federal a revisão da primeira lei de âmbito nacional sobre o parcelamento do solo urbano no Brasil, aprovada em 1979. As discussões desta revisão bem como as suas repercussões na formulação de leis municipais remetem à necessidade de compreensão da construção deste instrumento urbanístico como realidade histórica. Este trabalho reconstrói o processo de formulação de uma legislação federal de regulação do loteamento no Brasil até a aprovação da Lei nº 6.766, conhecida como Lei Lehman. Parte-se da hipótese que a lei aprovada em 1979 foi gestada e construída historicamente durante as quatro décadas que a precederam. Por meio do levantamento bibliográfico, documental e entrevistas, este estudo evidencia quais as temáticas abordadas na Lei Federal nº 6.766/79 já estavam presentes nas discussões e nas propostas de lei sobre loteamento entre o início do século XX até 1979. A pesquisa foi estruturada em cinco eixos de análise, desenvolvidos concomitantemente. Um eixo procurou detectar a competência dos entes federativos em legislar sobre o loteamento, a partir da legislação vigente. O segundo eixo buscou consolidar as discussões sobre a normatização de loteamentos por meio de publicações e eventos, do campo do planejamento urbano, que trataram este tema. O terceiro eixo partiu da cronologia das leis aprovadas e projetos de lei formulados sobre loteamento urbano até a aprovação da Lei Lehman. Um quarto eixo analisou o processo de aprovação desta lei na Câmara e no Senado Federal. Por fim, o último eixo se debruçou na análise de como os aspectos de caráter civil, administrativo, registrário, penal e urbanístico foram sendo incorporados nos debates e nas propostas de uma lei federal de loteamento. Este estudo pretende contribuir para a complementação e o aprofundamento dos trabalhos que tratam da regulação do parcelamento do solo no Brasil e para o debate atual da revisão da Lei Federal nº 6.766. / In the Federal Senate there is in progress the review of the first nationwide law on the division of Brazil\'s urban land, adopted in 1979. The discussions of this review and its formulation impacts of municipal laws remit in understanding the construction of this urban instrument as a historical reality. This paper reconstructs the formulation process of a federal legislation of the allotment regulation in Brazil until the approval of 6766 Law, known as Lehman Law. It starts with the assumption that the law approved in 1979 was historically and management constructed during the four decades that preceded it. Through biographical, documentary and interviews survey, this study shows which subjects broached on Federal Law 6766/79 were already present in the law discussions and proposals about land division between the early twentieth century to 1979. The research was structured in five axes of analysis, developed concurrently. The first axis aimed at detecting the competence of federal sectors in allotment legislation, through the current law. The second axis tried to consolidate the discussions about the allotment land normalization by publications and events of urban planning field that had dealt this issue. The third axis came from the chronology of the laws approved and projected laws on urban land division until the approval of Lehman Law. A fourth axis examined the approval process of this law in the Congress and Federal Senate. Finally, the last axis has focused on the analysis of how the aspects of civil, administrative, registration, penal and urbanistic character were being incorporated in the debates and proposals of a federal allotment act. This study intends to contribute to the works` deep examination and complementing that treat of the land division regulation in Brazil and the current debate of the Federal Law nº. 6.766.

Orientador: Prof. Dr. Marcelo Zanotello / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa De Pós-Graduação em Ensino, História, Filosofia das Ciências e Matemática, 2015. / Esta pesquisa tem como temática central o uso de Textos de Divulgação Científica (TDC) como ferramenta mobilizadora para a promoção de debates de opinião controversa em sala de aula. Trata-se de um estudo empírico, com os dados coletados pelo próprio professor em ambiente natural e pressupostos teóricos de caráter interpretativo. O objetivo consiste em analisar como estudantes do ensino médio constroem sentidos sobre a Física Contemporânea a partir da leitura de TDC e da realização de debates em sala de aula. Para isso, foi elaborada uma unidade de ensino contendo 10 aulas, nas quais 53 adolescentes desenvolveram as seguintes atividades: a leitura de textos escolhidos por eles a partir de uma lista pré-selecionada pelo pesquisador; a resposta por escrito a questionários sobre esses textos; a apresentação de seminários sobre as temáticas polêmicas relacionadas ao texto; a realização de debates com as temáticas de maior interesse. Além do registro escrito de todas as produções dos alunos a pesquisa contou com a gravação em vídeo de 25 seminários e dois debates orais. A escola onde as atividades foram realizadas é particular e localiza-se na Zona Norte da cidade de São Paulo. Tomando como base os referenciais teóricos da Análise de Discurso Francesa e da Lógica Informal, analisou-se a apropriação do debate realizada pelos estudantes ao longo do desenvolvimento da unidade didática. Os dados apontam que os estudantes apresentaram posicionamentos críticos a respeito da produção científica e conseguiram compreender diversos aspectos acerca dos conteúdos de física, ilustrando o potencial desta estratégia pedagógica. / This research has as its central theme the use of Texts of Science Communication (TDC) as a mobilizing tool to promote controversial opinion of debates in the classroom. This is an empirical study, with data collected by the teacher himself from the wild and theoretical assumptions of interpretative character. The aim is to analyze how high school students make meaning of the Contemporary Physics from the reading of TDC and debates in the classroom. For this, a teaching unit containing 10 lessons was drawn up, in which 53 teenagers have developed the following activities: reading texts chosen by them from a pre-selected by the researcher list; the written answers to questionnaires about these texts; seminar presentation on issues related to the controversial text; conducting discussions with the themes of interest. In addition to the written record of all the productions of the students research had the video recording of 25 seminars and two oral debates. The school where the activities took place is private and is located in the north of the city of São Paulo. Based on the theoretical frameworks of the Discourse Analysis and Informal Logic, analyzed the appropriation of the debate held by the students during the development of the teaching unit. The data indicate that students had critical positions regarding the scientific production and managed to understand many aspects about the physics content, illustrating the potential of this pedagogical strategy

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:39:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AriadneC.pdf: 385711 bytes, checksum: dcc828db10778b9bff5343cd3bed9087 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-09-22 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The purpose of this study is to discuss the therapeutic workshops function, while questioning if they constitute a mechanism for change of the traditional asylum logic. The Psychiatric Reform was materialized with the financing and regulation of alternative services that substitute the psychiatric hospital. This change was promoted by the anti asylum debate and the deinstitutionalization besides psychosocial rehabilitation paradigms. Mental health care, therefore, acquired a new form and the Centers for Psychosocial Care (CAPS) are considered the main services of the health network presently under construction. They are services that offer a variety of therapeutics and amongst them is the workshop, considered essential for the advancement of the Reform ideas. The study was conducted in a CAPS II in Natal, RN. Systematic visits were made using the Institutional Analysis perspective, futhermore were made interviews with professionals who was related to workshops. In the end, data were then discussed according to Schizoanalysis. Results denot that workshops represents, in the same time, progress and regress of Psychiatric Reform. It was observed that workshops were oftentimes reduced to strategies for the occupation of time, and as a means for the transmission of social values considered correct. The relationship between professionals and the user of the service was hierarchical and both players was seeing the workshop as a task to be met. Although users expressed intreresting about wokshops, was reported that the work was boring. Besides, except for some cases, the therapeutic workshops wasn t helping clients to create other possibilites in theirs life and stops the job inside the mental care service / Este trabalho objetivou investigar as oficinas terap?uticas num servi?o substitutivo ao hospital psiqui?trico, observando se seu funcionamento condiz ou n?o com preceitos da Reforma Psiqui?trica. Esta, tendo sido fomentada pela luta antimanicomial e embasada pela desinstitucionaliza??o e pela reabilita??o psicossocial, materializou-se com o financiamento e regulamenta??o de servi?os substitutivos ao manic?mio. Desde ent?o, novas formas de cuidado se configuram e os Centros de Aten??o Psicossocial (CAPS) s?o um dos principais servi?os da nova rede de sa?de. Os CAPS s?o servi?os abertos que oferecem uma variada gama de terap?uticas, dentre elas, destacam-se as oficinas terap?uticas: estrat?gias fundamentais por serem consideradas o baluarte dos novos servi?os. A coleta de dados ocorreu num CAPS II, em Natal-RN, onde foram realizadas visitas sistem?ticas orientadas pela An?lise Institucional, al?m de entrevistas com os funcion?rios que se encontravam ligados ao exerc?cio das oficinas. Os dados foram discutidos ? luz da Esquizoan?lise, revelando que o funcionamento das oficinas traduzem avan?os e retrocessos da Reforma. Notou-se que as oficinas eram espa?os onde alguns preconceitos eram desconstru?dos, auxiliando os usu?rios no estabelecimento de novas rela??es consigo, com outros e com o mundo. Entretanto, tamb?m foi observado que muitas vezes as oficinas se reduziam a meras estrat?gias de ocupa??o do tempo e serviam de ve?culo de transmiss?o de valores socialmente legitimados como certos. Percebeu-se que a rela??o entre profissionais e usu?rios era hierarquizada e que, por vezes, ambos viam a oficina como uma tarefa a ser cumprida. Da mesma forma, foi notado que os usu?rios, concomitantemente, mantinham um discurso de interesse pelas oficinas e expressavam que elas eram repetitivas e enfadonhas. J? a equipe t?cnica mantinha o discurso da luta antimanicomial, mas n?o conseguia sustent?-lo nas suas pr?ticas cotidianas. Al?m disso, afora exce??es, as oficinas eram espa?os que n?o possibilitam a cria??o e conservam o servi?o fechado em si mesmo

Avec l’ouverture d’Internet au public, en 1994, une nouvelle offre journalistique alternative naît à travers le monde. À l’initiative de professionnels expérimentés et reconnus, ces sites d’information s'inscrivent dans un projet idéologique et démocratique commun : l’Internet Media Dreamin’. Ils rêvent de réhabiliter un journalisme engagé dans les intérêts démocratiques et citoyens, qui a été perverti au fil des années par des logiques économiques de marché. Pour ce faire, les dreamers’ adhèrent au cyberespace public, ainsi qu’à ses promesses d’autonomisation citoyenne, de désinstitutionnalisation du débat public et de liberté du partage informationnel. Internet est pour eux bien plus qu’une technologie : c’est une solution qui leur permettrait de dribbler un environnement informationnel hégémonique. Portée sur le processus de reconfiguration du paysage journalistique, cette thèse interroge la capacité de l’offre alternative en ligne à rompre avec les hiérarchies institutionnalisées de l’information, en proposant des espaces médiatiques qui favorisent l’expression citoyenne polyphonique. Ce questionnement initial est décliné en trois perspectives de réflexion : 1) l’individu et son action médiatique citoyenne ; 2) les instances médiatiques et leur positionnement communicationnel dans le débat public ; et 3) les structures médiatiques et les pratiques journalistiques. Notre panel d'étude est composé par 50 pure players d’information du Brésil et de la France : un média global ayant des déclinaisons dans les deux pays étudiés et 48 projets alternatifs nationaux. Pour son traitement, nous avons mené une analyse de contenus thématique à partir des données récoltées lors de veilles documentaires réalisées entre 2016 et 2019, et de 31 entretiens semi-directifs menés auprès des producteurs de contenus inscrits dans les projets étudiés. Inspirés par le dispositif d’analyse de genre d’information médiatique établi par Patrick Charaudeau (1997, 2006, 2011), nous avons procédé à l'analyse de discours de publications selon deux « thèmes-événements » (Soulages, 2002) : la condition féminine et les élections présidentielles de 2017 en France et de 2018 au Brésil. Pour la réalisation de cette étude, 3 147 textes ont été récoltés à l’aide de méthodes manuelles et automatiques, puis traités à partir du positionnement et des degrés d’engagement des locuteurs selon deux axes : postures énonciatives et points de vue discursifs. Pour structurer nos discussions, notre thèse est organisée en deux parties, renvoyant à la temporalité évolutive du développement idéologique et médiatique des projets journalistiques alternatifs en ligne. La première partie, intitulée « en Rêve », révèle une problématisation théorique et empirique de trois projets idéologiques et démocratiques que nous avons convenu d’appeler Internet Dreamin’, Media Dreamin’ et Internet Media Dreamin’. Ensuite « en Chair et en Os » est dédiée à l’incarnation de l’Internet Media Dreamin’ dans et par le corps social. Pour cela, nous développons trois chapitres structurés à partir des tensions établies par les producteurs d’information alternatifs par rapport aux modèles journalistiques dominants : 1) voix bourgeoise et citoyenne ; 2) information homogène et hétérogène ; 3) dépendance et indépendance médiatique. En plus des discussions théoriques et empiriques, cette thèse a pour ambition de proposer une méthodologie pour la constitution des cartographies discursives, révélatrices du degré d’engagement de l’offre médiatique. / With the opening of the Internet to the public, in 1994, a new alternative journalistic offer emerged around the world. On the initiative of experienced and recognized professionals, these news websites are part of a common ideological and democratic project: the Internet Media Dreamin'. It represents the dream of rehabilitating a journalism committed to democratic interests and citizens, which has been perverted over the years by the economic logic of the market. To achieve this, these dreamers' adhere to the public cyberspace, as well as to its promises of citizen empowerment, deinstitutionalization of the public debate, and freedom of information sharing. For them, the Internet is more than a technology: it is a solution that would allow them to circumvent a hegemonic information environment. Focusing on the process of reconfiguration of the journalistic landscape, this PhD thesis questions the ability of the online alternative offer to break with the institutional hierarchies of information, by proposing media spaces that promote a polyphonic citizen expression. This initial questioning is developed from three perspectives: 1) the individual and their citizen and media action; 2) the media and their communication positioning in the public debate; and 3) media structures and journalistic practices.Our study panel is composed of 50 news pure plays from Brazil and from France: a global one with editions in each of the two countries, and 48 alternative national projects. For its treatment, we implemented a thematic content analysis based on data collected through information monitoring conducted between 2016 and 2019, and 31 semi-structured interviews with content producers involved in the projects studied. Inspired by the method of media information gender analysis established by Patrick Charaudeau (1997, 2006, 2011), we analyzed the discourse of two "event-theme" articles (Soulages, 2002): women's condition and presidential elections of 2017 in France and 2018 in Brazil. To carry out this study, 3,147 texts were collected using manual and automatic methods, then processed according to the positions and the engagement levels of the speakers, according to two axes: enunciative postures and discursive points of view. To structure our discussions, this thesis is organized in two parts, which refer to the temporal evolution of the ideological and media development of alternative online journalistic projects. The first part, entitled "In Dreams", reveals a theoretical and empirical problematization of three ideological and democratic projects, that we call Internet Dreamin', Media Dreamin' and Internet Media Dreamin '. Then "In flesh and blood" aims to ponder about the incarnation process of the Internet Media Dreamin' in and by the social body. For this, we develop three chapters based on the tensions established by alternative journalism producers regarding the dominant journalistic models: 1) bourgeois and citizen voice; 2) homogeneous and heterogeneous information; 3) dependent and independent media. In addition to these theoretical and empirical contributions, this thesis aims to propose a methodology for the constitution of discursive cartography, eliciting the degree of commitment of the media offer.

Given that the basic functions of parliamentary Question Time are to provide information and to hold the Government accountable for its actions, the possibility of evasion occurring in such a context is of crucial importance. Evasion (equivocation) has been identified as a matter of concern in political interviews, but no systematic study has been undertaken in the context of parliamentary discourse, notably Question Time, anywhere in the world. This study applies and adapts Harris's (1991) coding framework on various types of responses, Bull and Mayer's (1993) typology of non-replies and Clayman's (2001) work on how politicians 'resist' answering questions, all of which are based on political news interviews, to the study of evasion in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time. A comprehensive, unified framework for the analysis of evasion is described, a decision flow-chart for the framework is provided, and an illustrative example of the applied framework is given based on Australia's Federal House of Representatives' Question Time. Put simply, the study was undertaken to determine if evasion occurred, how frequently it occurred and how it occurred. It involved the classification of responses as 'answers' (direct or indirect), 'intermediate responses' (such as pointing out incorrect information in the question), and 'evasions' based on specific criteria. Responses which were considered evasions were further analysed to determine the levels of evasion, whether they were covert or overt in nature and the types of 'agenda shifts' that occurred, if any. The thesis also involved a discourse-analytical study of other factors that appear to facilitate Ministerial evasion in Australia's House of Representatives, including the Speaker's performance and the use of 'Dorothy Dixers'. The research data was sourced from Question Time transcripts from the House of Representatives Hansard for the months of February and March 2003, dealing only with questions and responses on the topic of Iraq. In those months there were 87 questions on the topic of Iraq, representing more than two thirds of all questions on Iraq for the whole of 2003. Of these 87 questions, the majority (48) came from the Opposition party, through its leader. The balance (39) was asked by Government MPs. Analysis of the question/answer discourse for all 87 questions revealed that every question asked by Government members was answered compared to only 8 of the 48 Opposition questions. Of the 40 remaining Opposition questions, 21 were given intermediate responses and 19 were evaded outright. The fact that the overwhelming majority (83%) of Opposition questions were not answered together with other findings such as instances of partiality on the part of the Speaker; the use of 'friendly', prearranged questions by Government MPs; and the 'hostile' nature of questions asked by Opposition MPs casts serious doubt on the effectiveness of Question Time as a means of ensuring the Government is held accountable for its actions. The study provides empirical evidence that evasion does occur in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time.