Está em curso no Senado Federal a revisão da primeira lei de âmbito nacional sobre o parcelamento do solo urbano no Brasil, aprovada em 1979. As discussões desta revisão bem como as suas repercussões na formulação de leis municipais remetem à necessidade de compreensão da construção deste instrumento urbanístico como realidade histórica. Este trabalho reconstrói o processo de formulação de uma legislação federal de regulação do loteamento no Brasil até a aprovação da Lei nº 6.766, conhecida como Lei Lehman. Parte-se da hipótese que a lei aprovada em 1979 foi gestada e construída historicamente durante as quatro décadas que a precederam. Por meio do levantamento bibliográfico, documental e entrevistas, este estudo evidencia quais as temáticas abordadas na Lei Federal nº 6.766/79 já estavam presentes nas discussões e nas propostas de lei sobre loteamento entre o início do século XX até 1979. A pesquisa foi estruturada em cinco eixos de análise, desenvolvidos concomitantemente. Um eixo procurou detectar a competência dos entes federativos em legislar sobre o loteamento, a partir da legislação vigente. O segundo eixo buscou consolidar as discussões sobre a normatização de loteamentos por meio de publicações e eventos, do campo do planejamento urbano, que trataram este tema. O terceiro eixo partiu da cronologia das leis aprovadas e projetos de lei formulados sobre loteamento urbano até a aprovação da Lei Lehman. Um quarto eixo analisou o processo de aprovação desta lei na Câmara e no Senado Federal. Por fim, o último eixo se debruçou na análise de como os aspectos de caráter civil, administrativo, registrário, penal e urbanístico foram sendo incorporados nos debates e nas propostas de uma lei federal de loteamento. Este estudo pretende contribuir para a complementação e o aprofundamento dos trabalhos que tratam da regulação do parcelamento do solo no Brasil e para o debate atual da revisão da Lei Federal nº 6.766. / In the Federal Senate there is in progress the review of the first nationwide law on the division of Brazil\'s urban land, adopted in 1979. The discussions of this review and its formulation impacts of municipal laws remit in understanding the construction of this urban instrument as a historical reality. This paper reconstructs the formulation process of a federal legislation of the allotment regulation in Brazil until the approval of 6766 Law, known as Lehman Law. It starts with the assumption that the law approved in 1979 was historically and management constructed during the four decades that preceded it. Through biographical, documentary and interviews survey, this study shows which subjects broached on Federal Law 6766/79 were already present in the law discussions and proposals about land division between the early twentieth century to 1979. The research was structured in five axes of analysis, developed concurrently. The first axis aimed at detecting the competence of federal sectors in allotment legislation, through the current law. The second axis tried to consolidate the discussions about the allotment land normalization by publications and events of urban planning field that had dealt this issue. The third axis came from the chronology of the laws approved and projected laws on urban land division until the approval of Lehman Law. A fourth axis examined the approval process of this law in the Congress and Federal Senate. Finally, the last axis has focused on the analysis of how the aspects of civil, administrative, registration, penal and urbanistic character were being incorporated in the debates and proposals of a federal allotment act. This study intends to contribute to the works` deep examination and complementing that treat of the land division regulation in Brazil and the current debate of the Federal Law nº. 6.766.

This essay aims to analyze how Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump communicated verbally and non-verbally during the second presidential debate of the 2016 US election. To do this the essay utilizes a method focused on analyzing actio. The essay also analyses main trends in the rhetoric’s of the candidates. To aid the findings from this analysis the essay takes support from theories such as Impression management, footing, face as well as different theories in representation, including stereotypes, gender in politics and the construction of otherness.   The results that the study reached where that very little critic could be raised towards Clinton's actio except for questioning how effective her choice to face the live audience instead of the tv audience was. That only a few major errors could be found in Clinton's actio & her rhetoric as well, was theorized to be due to the stark contrast of her errors against Trump's which many times where a lot worse. The study also found some similarities in how to candidates used similar rhetorical and, to some extent, actio techniques to compel their audience, thou stark differences could be found in the execution of said techniques. Further the study could not point to any definite female or male use of body language, but theorized that this is due to the nature of a political debate and how Clinton might have adapted to the male dominated world of politics. Finally, in the end discussion a speculation was raised that whoever the audience perceived as a “winner” of the debate came down largely to pre-perceived notions of each candidate at least when it came to body language and rhetoric.

The Swedish debate surrounding the Swedish and European welcoming of refugees has during the last couple of years engaged actors from all spheres of society. One of the prominent actors in this debate has been archbishop Antje Jackelén who has contributed with articles on the issue together with members of the church board as well as the other bishops in the Church of Sweden. These articles have been published on the debate pages of four major newspapers; Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Expressen and Aftonbladet. The aim of this research is to study the way leaders in the Church of Sweden frame the welcoming of refugees and asylum seekers in these newspapers between 2014-2016. By using a qualitative frame analysis inspired by a theory of framing used in social movement research (Benford & Snow, 2000) the study will focus primarily on motivational framing, i.e. the way in which authors set out to inspire their audience to take action in a certain issue. In three of the articles collective action frames are identified, in which collective identities are constructed and where the writers stress the importance for people to come together and act towards a more humane way of handling the refugee situation. Another aim of the essay is to study the way in which the Church of Sweden is presented as an actor within the frames used in the articles. The analysis shows how the church is presented as an experienced organisation, driven by the Christian faith to take action in the face of suffering. Finally, the result is analysed through the mediatisation of religion theory, using the concept of three media functions; conduit, environment and language (Hjarvard, 2016). The analysis shows how the newspapers, by publishing the articles, can be interpreted to function as both conduits and environments for the religious information and messages present in the texts. Concerning the third function, media as language, the debate articles are interpreted as living up to the criteria of news value despite the use of religious imagery and language. However, the method and empirical material of this study did not allow for any conclusions regarding how the logic of debate articles have been affecting the way in which leaders in the Church of Sweden debate the welcoming of refugees.

The aim of this thesis is to assess whether agency advocacy in newspapers debate articles has increased since the 1970’s and what forms agency advocacy take. This is done by investigating if the number or share of debate articles written by agencies increased from the 1970’s to the 2000’s, what types of communication approaches and subjects that are used over the years. The theoretical approach is based on research about new public management (NPM) and mediatisation through a normative institutionalist perspective. It is mainly a quantitative study where we collect debate articles from four different decades and code the content according to three ideal types: information, agency advocacy by promoting issue and agency advocacy by legitimating agency.  The thesis finds that the share and to some extent the number of debate articles has increased over the years, which supports the NPM theory and in part mediatisation theory. All ideal types are present; agency advocacy exists in all analysed debate articles while information is highly absent.  There is little change over the years which make it difficult to assess which theory that is supported.

Abstract: The purpose with this study is to analyse the political debate about freedom of speech in Sweden and Denmark, after the caricatures of the Islamic Prophet Mohammed that the Danish newspaper Jyllandsposten published in September 2005. For this debate four political parties have been chosen. These are: Socialdemokratiska Partiet and Moderata Samlingspartiet in Sweden and Socialdemokraterne and Venstre in Denmark. An idea analysis has been chosen as method, and dimensions as an analysing tool. The overall result of the analysis is that right- and left political parties in Sweden and Denmark are more alike, than different in their political debate about free speech. They all wish for total freedom of speech, and see that as the foundation of the democratic society. The difference between the parties is that left parties put more weight on personal responsibility and minorities, than right parties that mostly debate about the meaning of democracy and why freedom of speech should not be restricted.

This paper focuses on facework used by the invited guests in a broadcasted debate. The purpose of this analysis is to investigate how the invited guests use facework and how the guest relate to their functional role within the debate. The aim is also to investigate how the phases of the debate regulate the facework used by the guests. The analysis is based on transcrition and videomaterial from one of Sweden’s most viewed debates, Opinion Live. Conversation analysis (CA) is part of the theoretical framework used to analyse support, interruption and conversation turns. To analyze facework this paper relies on Goffman’s theory of face and Muntigl & Turnbull’s four types of disagreement acts in facework and arguing. Brown & Levinson’s politeness theory has also been used to investigate facework and strategies. In addition, Svensson’s definition of the debate’s specific roles within the format has also been used. The results show that facework has two purposes. The first is that it is used to defend the guest’s own face. The other purpose is to attack other guest’s faces which implies that their functional roles in the debate are being challenged. The results also points towards that the structure of the conversation in the debate itself influence the types of facework used by the guests.

La délibération semble intuitivement associée à l’idée de légitimité. Cette étude entend porter un regard nouveau sur cette question. En droit public, la délibération s’organise dans des procédures dont la thèse entend sonder les influences sur la légitimité du droit. L’étude démontre que la délibération repose toujours sur un idéal démocratique, celui de la liberté et de l’égalité de ses acteurs. En revanche, elle révèle les nombreuses limites portées à l’influence de la délibération sur le droit. Aussi, nous soutenons la thèse selon laquelle la délibération ne participe que relativement à la légitimité du droit. En effet, si l’idéal démocratique libéral anime manifestement l’organisation du procédé délibératif, la délibération du droit nous apparaît en revanche comme un échec. / No English summary available.

[pt] Em um cenário protagonizado no mundo digital, diversos tipos de dispositivos se tornaram ferramentas vitais para o registro de eventos e notícias, usados pela sociedade, inclusive a brasileira, para o compartilhamento de informações e para promoverem um maior grau de participação e engajamento em questões de interesse público. Esta contribuição torna-se mais evidente com o uso de redes sociais e plataformas de consulta pública na Rede representativas de uma esfera pública conectada e com potencial democrático significativo. Observando o engajamento político-democrático na esfera pública online, pretende-se investigar o potencial e os limites deste novo espaço como garantidor do fluxo comunicacional de questões públicas. Essa investigação pauta-se na busca pela compreensão da efetiva eficácia em se permitir que o povo tenha mais voz e ferramentas de mobilização e pressão à sua disposição, mas também, no vetor oposto, que o sistema político busque maior legitimidade e transparência perante a sociedade através de ferramentas digitais. / [en] In a scenario set in the digital world, many types of devices have become vital tools for registering events and news, used by the society, including Brazil, to share information and to promote a greater degree of participation and engagement in public interest issues. This contribution becomes more evident with the use of social networks and public consultation platforms on the Internet, representative of a connected public sphere with substancial democratic potential. Observing the political democratic engagement in the online public sphere, we intend to investigate the potential and limits of this new space as provider of the communication flow for public issues. This research aims to understand the actual effectiveness in allowing citizens to have more political voice and mobilization and pressure tools at their disposal, and in the opposite vector, how the political system seeks greater legitimacy and transparency, through digital tools.

L'école primaire voit se développer, depuis une quinzaine d'années en France, des pratiques de débat dit philosophique, dont il s'agit de cerner l'identité, dans une approche didactique. Celle-ci permet de comprendre si elles se construisent en tant que genre disciplinaire ou bien au contraire si elles s'affranchissent de toute dimension disciplinaire. Un enjeu est de déterminer si la construction sociale de ces pratiques les inscrit dans l'organisation de l'école selon des disciplines ou bien si elle participe au contraire de sa mise en question. C'est au travers de l'éclairage de leur contexte d'émergence, des sources auxquelles elles se réfèrent, de l'examen de leurs contenus et de leurs frontières, que l'étude est menée et dans les différents espaces où elles se déploient, l'espace des recommandations et l'espace des pratiques de classe. Il ressort de l'exploration des formalisations qu'en proposent leurs promoteurs, des discours d'enseignants qui les mettent en place et des discours en situation de classe et d'interactions langagières, que majoritairement ces pratiques ne s'enracinent pas dans une discipline scolaire, existante, renouvelée ou à constituer et qu'elles interrogent sur la nature du genre pratiqué et des apprentissages visés. Elles révèlent plutôt une construction adisciplinaire de l'objet et, sur certains aspects, ascolaire et ne semblent pas permettre d'identifier la fabrique d'un "enseignable". / Different practices of termed philosophical debates have been developing in French primary schools for about fifteen years, whose identity must be outlined, with a didactic analysis. The latter enables us to understand whether they build up as disciplinary type or if they avoid all disciplinary dimension. One stake is to determine if the social construction of these practices puts them in the school organization according to disciplines or whether, on the contrary, they contribute to its questioning. The sudy is led through clarifying their context of emergence, the sources they refer to, by examining their contents and boundaries, as well as the different areas where they take place, that is recommendations and classroom practices. The exploration of proposals made by their exponents, the discourses of the teachers who implement them and classroom situations as well as language interaction, show that these practices do not mainly entrench in a school discipline that is existing, renewed or to be constituted.They elicit speculation about the nature of the type and the learning targeted. They show a non-disciplinary and, in some aspects, out-of-school type and they do not seem to be able to identify the making of a "teaching object".

L’aménagement de l’espace public urbain est devenu un sujet central du débat public à Buenos Aires sous le gouvernement de M. Macri ces dernières années par l’effet d’un double mouvement. Durant ses deux mandats (2007-2015), les responsables politiques ont fait de l’aménagement de l’espace public, notamment au centre-ville, l’un des leviers principal de leurs politiques urbaines. Parallèlement, une partie des mouvements sociaux portègnes a désigné l’organisation spatiale de la ville comme l’un des facteurs des inégalités sociales. De ce fait, la délibération autour de l’aménagement urbain a fait ressortir des antagonismes prenant leurs racines dans le reste de la société obligeant la sphère publique à évoluer. D’abord, la recomposition du jeu d’acteurs autour de nouveaux mouvements sociaux, les assemblées de quartier, a bousculé le partenariat traditionnel entre associations de vecinos et pouvoirs publics. Ensuite, de nouvelles oppositions ont émergé concernant la conception des espaces publics de la ville, et notamment autour de la politique de « récupération » du gouvernement qui détermine des usages légitimes de l’espace public. Enfin, le débat public s’est déplacé vers de nouveaux espaces de délibération : l’espace public urbain qui a confirmé sa dimension politique historique en Argentine, et les réseaux sociaux numériques qui ont accueilli de nouvelles formes de mobilisation. Ainsi, l’aménagement de l’espace public est débattu aujourd’hui dans une pluralité de sphères publiques qui sont toutes traversées par des antagonismes renouvelés / Public space planning has become a central and important topic of the public debate in Buenos Aires under the M. Macri government for the past few years, as a result of a double movement. During his two mandates (2007-2015), politic leaders use the public space planning, mostly in the downtown of the city, as one of their major tool for urban politics. At the same time, some of the Buenos Aires social movements attributed the spatial organization of the city as one of the factors of social inequality. Consequently, these political discussions on urban planning have revealed antagonisms taking root in the rest of society, forcing public sphere to evolve. Firstly, the appearance of new actors among social movements, called neighbourhood assemblies, modified and redefined the traditional partnership between the vecinos associations and public authorities. Then, new oppositions emerged around the conception of city’s public spaces, and mostly around the « recuperation » government politic, which determines legitimate uses of public spaces. Finally, the public debate has moved toward new spaces of deliberation such as: urban public space having confirmed his historical political dimension in Argentina; and the use of digital social networks resulting in new forms of mobilization. In conclusion, public space planning is negotiated today in several public spheres, all crossed by renewed antagonisms