Den 1 april 2018 började en flygskatt att gälla för inrikes- och utrikesflyg i Sverige. Skatten som innebär en avgift på 60-400 kronor skapade en enorm debatt i offentlig media där ämnen som global uppvärmning, koldioxidutsläpp, individuellt ansvar, orättvisa och integritet utgjorde grund för ställningstagandena för eller mot skatten. För att skapa förståelse över vilka meningsmotsättningar som uttrycktes, syftar denna studie till att undersöka debatten om flygskatt i svensk dagspress under 2018. Analysen visade på en starkt polariserad debatt där åsikterna antingen uttryckte ett starkt stöd eller ett stort missnöje med skatten. För motståndarna till flygskatten nämndes en orättvis påverkan på glesbygden som främsta argument mot, men även en vilja att satsa på miljövänlig teknik och biobränsle för att sänka flygets utsläpp av växthusgaser, snarare än att beskatta enskilda individer. I argumenten för flygskatt uttrycktes en stark vilja att minska flygets miljöpåverkan genom att skapa incentiv till att minska på flygandet, och för att reducera de skattesubventioner som flygindustrin tidigare har åtnjutit. Studien jämför även debatten med tre teoretiska begrepp, varav begreppet industriell fatalism överensstämmer väl med motståndarsidans argumentation kring flygskatt genom den tilltro till tekniska utvecklingar  och avsaknad av individuellt ansvarstagande som uttrycks. Även begreppen moralisk och strukturell kausalitet finns tydligt närvarande bland de argument som förs för flygskatt, samt i nivån av individuellt samt strukturellt ansvarstagande av flygindustrins utsläpp. / On April 1, 2018, an aviation tax was applied on domestic and foreign flights in Sweden. The tax which involved a fee of SEK 60-400 sparked a huge debate in public media, where topics such as global warming, carbon dioxide emissions, individual responsibility, injustice and integrity constituted the basis for the positions for or against aviation taxes. In order to create an understanding of which contradictions were expressed, this study therefore aims to investigate the debate on aviation tax in the Swedish daily press in 2018. The analysis shows a strongly polarized debate, where the views either express strong support or a great dissatisfaction with the tax. For the opponents of the air tax, an unfair impact on sparsely populated areas were mentioned as the main argument against, but also a willingness to invest in environmentally friendly technology and biofuel to reduce the emissions of greenhouse gases from the aircraft, rather than taxing individual air travellers. Regarding the arguments for an aviation tax, a strong desire was expressed to reduce aviation's environmental impact by creating incentives to reduce air travel and to diminish the tax subsidies that the aerospace industry has previously experienced. The study also compares the debate with three theoretical concepts, of which industrial fatalism is well in line with the opponent's argument about aviation tax through the belief in technological developments and a lack of individual responsibility. The concepts of moral and structural causality are also clearly present in the debate among the arguments put forward for air tax, as well as the level of individual and structural responsibility for the aviation industry's emissions.

Denna uppsats syftar till att utreda och belysa vad som kan hindra en konstruktiv diskussion i offentlig debatt. Analysmaterialet utgörs av jämställdhetsdebatten i debattserien "Hatet och politiken" som publicerades i DN under våren 2012. Med hjälp av pragmadialektiken utläses argumentscheman och detta utökas sedan till en evaluerande fallasianalys för att visa på debattens problem. Resultatet av undersökningen visar att tre problem framstår tydligast. Det första är brott mot relevansregeln vilket innebär att man undviker obekväma frågor genom att flytta fokus till något annat. Även brott mot avslutningsregeln är vanligt förekommande och betyder att man oavsett debattens utgång vägrar att överge sin ståndpunkt. Den tyngsta slutsatsen är att brott mot regeln för argumentschema förekommer hos alla debattörer och detta innebär att man drar generella slutsatser om motståndarsidan utan tillräckligt starka grunder.

Purpose – The purpose of this master thesis is to generate new knowledge and understanding how the concept of public sphere has been used and understood in library and information research of public libraries.  Design/methodology/approach –Through a systematic literatur review of  research literature of public libraries and public sphere, interpretations of the public sphere concept are mapped. Qualitative content analysis is applied for the analysis. The research questions are: 1. How is the concept of public sphere interpretated in library and information science (LIS) research about the democratic role of the public library and its role beeing a meeting place and an arena for public debate?  2. What significance can the interpretation of the concept public sphere be assumed to have for the understanding of how LIS researchers view and use the concept?  Findings – Six themes are identified: 1. Habermas original theory of public sphere from 1962. 2. A theoretical framework of public sphere, based on Habermas theory. 3. Other concepts and theories that can be applied on public libraries and public sphere. 4. A diversity of public spheres. 5. The democratic role of the public libraries and public sphere. 6. Conversation, communication, debate and public sphere.

The societal benefits of new technology and electronic products can hardly be underestimated. However, new technological achievements bring problems as well since obsolete products, due to ever-growing amounts and complex composition, are difficult to handle in a sound manner. Currently electronic waste constitutes the single fastest growing waste stream in society. It is also common that e-waste is exported to low-income countries where it generally is recycled under rudimentary conditions, leading to large-scale environmental and health effects. The political handling of the issue has enjoyed moderate success internationally as well as nationally. The shaping of environmental politics is however, according to many researchers, a complex process involving many actors, something that generally is not reflected inofficial politics. The purpose of this thesis is to map out the different discourses inherent in the public debates on e-waste in Sweden and the USA respectively, and compare how they might influence the political management of the e-waste issue. A number of newspaper articles, reports and press releases from NGOs and trade organizations have been analyzed with a discourse analysis method, influenced by John Dryzek and Michel Foucault. The term “order of discourse” has been borrowed by Norman Fairclough as an analytical tool. In the U.S. material a conflictual, unclear order of discourse appeared where most of the actors were portrayed as equal political players. However there was an apparent red thread as the question was framed as an economic issue by the majority of actors. In the Swedish material a very clear order of discourse was identified, where mainly two discourses were dominant. Drawing on the analysis it could be concluded that there were several probable explanations for the contemporary political handling. The perspective of the key actors El-Kretsen and the U.S. EPA was concluded to impair the political handling, while the framing of the issue as a question for experts in the Swedish material was considered another explanation. / Samhällsnyttan med ny teknik och elektroniska produkter kan knappast underskattas. Nya tekniska landvinningar medför dock problematik då elektronikavfall är svåromhändertaget på grund av dess komplexa sammansättning. Numera är dessutom elektronikavfall det enskilt snabbast växande avfallsflödet i samhället. Ytterligare problematik uppstår då det är vanligt att avfallet exporteras till låginkomstländer där det ofta återvinns med primitiva metoder, vilket leder till att avfallet utgör stora miljö- och hälsorisker. Sammantaget innebär detta att elektronikavfall utgör en av de största miljöpolitiska utmaningarna, men den politiska hanteringen av frågan har hittills rönt blandad framgång internationellt såväl som nationellt. Skapandet av miljöpolitik är dock enligt många teoretiker en komplex process som involverar många aktörer, något som generellt inte avspeglas i officiell politik. Syftet med denna uppsats är att försöka urskilja vilka diskurser som finns i den offentliga debatten om elektronikavfall i USA och Sverige, och jämföra hur de kan tänkas påverka den politiska hanteringen av elektronikavfallsfrågan. Ett antal tidningsartiklar, rapporter och pressreleaser från NGO:s och branschsammanslutningar har analyserats med en diskursanalytisk metod, influerad av John Dryzek och Michel Foucault. Begreppet ”diskursordning” har lånats av Norman Fairclough för att som analytiskt verktyg koppla diskursanalysen till den politiska hanteringen i respektive land. I det amerikanska materialet framträdde en konfliktfylld, otydlig diskursordning där flertalet aktörer framställdes som likvärdiga politiska spelare. Det fanns en tydlig röd tråd i det faktum att samtliga aktörer diskuterade frågan utifrån ett ekonomiskt perspektiv. I det svenska materialet fanns istället en tydlig diskursordning, där framförallt två diskurser var förhärskande. Utifrån analysen kunde konstateras att det fanns ett antal troliga skäl till den nuvarande politiska hanteringen. Nyckelaktörerna El-Kretsen och det amerikanska Naturvårdsverkets perspektiv lyftes som två troliga anledningar, medan inramningen som en expertfråga i det svenska materialet framhålls som ytterligare en orsak.

The Swedish debate surrounding the Swedish and European welcoming of refugees has during the last couple of years engaged actors from all spheres of society. One of the prominent actors in this debate has been archbishop Antje Jackelén who has contributed with articles on the issue together with members of the church board as well as the other bishops in the Church of Sweden. These articles have been published on the debate pages of four major newspapers; Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Expressen and Aftonbladet. The aim of this research is to study the way leaders in the Church of Sweden frame the welcoming of refugees and asylum seekers in these newspapers between 2014-2016. By using a qualitative frame analysis inspired by a theory of framing used in social movement research (Benford & Snow, 2000) the study will focus primarily on motivational framing, i.e. the way in which authors set out to inspire their audience to take action in a certain issue. In three of the articles collective action frames are identified, in which collective identities are constructed and where the writers stress the importance for people to come together and act towards a more humane way of handling the refugee situation. Another aim of the essay is to study the way in which the Church of Sweden is presented as an actor within the frames used in the articles. The analysis shows how the church is presented as an experienced organisation, driven by the Christian faith to take action in the face of suffering. Finally, the result is analysed through the mediatisation of religion theory, using the concept of three media functions; conduit, environment and language (Hjarvard, 2016). The analysis shows how the newspapers, by publishing the articles, can be interpreted to function as both conduits and environments for the religious information and messages present in the texts. Concerning the third function, media as language, the debate articles are interpreted as living up to the criteria of news value despite the use of religious imagery and language. However, the method and empirical material of this study did not allow for any conclusions regarding how the logic of debate articles have been affecting the way in which leaders in the Church of Sweden debate the welcoming of refugees.

This essay is about the discussion concerning graduation celebrations in The Swedish Church. Since this discussion is recurrent in the media when it is getting close to the end of the term in the Swedish schools, it is interesting to see how people choose to discuss this issue. This essay will look at how this issue is discussed within the Swedish school and the Swedish church. My research questions that I will use are: How is the issue of the church as a venue for the end of school year discussed in the Swedish Church's newspaper and in the Teachers' Union's trade magazine, Läraren.  This will be done through a content analysis of articles taken from these two newspapers where they discuss the church as a venue for the graduation. I will use a secularization theory developed by the sociologist of religion Thomas Luckmann in which he assumes that one can look at religion from two perspectives, church-oriented religion, and individual-centered religion. The survey in this paper shows that most people are in favor of using the church as a venue for the graduation’s celebrations and that they see it more as a tradition to be there such as something religious.

Trigger warnings as a concept is mainly a tool to make students aware of potentially triggering content in literature and has its origin in internet adaptions of psychological theories of posttraumatic stress disorder. The aim of this essay was to describe and analyse the argumentation in the public debate over trigger warnings in Sweden and to illustrate the fundamental questions relating to education that is highlighted by it. This was done through argumentation analysis and with theories of liberalism and identity politics as poles of a dimension of justice, illustrated by two different perspectives on disability pedagogy. The material chosen consisted of nine articles, radio programs and televised debates. The results show a clear tendency for advocates of trigger warnings to lean towards identity politics and a critical perspective on disability pedagogy in their argumentation, while the critics firmly represented a liberal, universalist perspective along with a compensatory perspective on disability pedagogy in theirs. Three fundamental questions arose in the debate: first, safety in the realm of education, meant as void of feelings of being offended, was viewed as essential by the authors who were pro trigger warnings and as a threat to the sole purpose of education by those who were against it. Second, the importance of a diagnosis for disability pedagogy, where those against stressed the importance of a diagnosis, the lack of which in combination with a request for a trigger warning was viewed as being easily offended. Advocates on the other hand were uninterested in diagnoses. Finally, the relation between free speech and democratic values in the educational system and in the society as a whole, where those authors favouring trigger warnings tended to view free speech as less fundamental than those opposed, who instead saw trigger warnings as a threat.