This thesis deals with European policy of the SPD, the oldest and biggest German left-wing political party. The main focus is on time period from 1998 to 2005, when Gerhard Schröder's government was in power. The aim of this thesis is to describe the social democratic change in approach to European policy. The study also examines three SPD internal debates about "Neue Mitte", European finality and first eastern enlargement of the European Union. The European policy of the German Social Democrats has undergone a significant change since 1998. The party became more assertive, pragmatic and realistic.

Le présent travail porte sur l'hypothèse de la constitution d'un espace public avec le développement des débats télévisés au Cameroun. Il s’appuie sur un corpus de 227 émissions de Canal presse et Droit de réponse de 2012 à 2017 et sur des entretiens semi-directifs réalisés auprès des acteurs-invités et de présentateurs des débats télévisés. Les résultats obtenus révèlent que la constitution d’un espace public de débats télévisés camerounais est marquée par des logiques de « concurrence-coopérative » entre acteurs sociaux hétéroclites, et où la polémique émerge comme registre de prise de parole dominant qui gouverne les stratégies de mise en visibilité. Les résultats rendent également compte des dynamiques d'occupation de l’espace public des débats télévisés. Sur ce point, ce travail montre que les débats télévisés se formalisent autour d’un contrat de communication qui favorise l’accès majoritaire/prioritaire de certaines catégories d’acteurs, à l’instar des journalistes, des opérateurs politiques, des universitaires, des hommes de droit (avocats), des entrepreneurs de l’humanitaire et de la société civile. Enfin, les résultats de ce travail indiquent que les débats télévisés s’apparentent à des espaces de production de soi durant lesquels les stratégies de légitimation du discours, la recherche de légitimité et la captation du public s’enchâssent. L'originalité de ce travail réside dans le dépassement de la thèse habermassienne sur l'espace public. Ceci dans la mesure où l'espace public camerounais apparaît comme un enjeu pour la communication de l'État qui s'en sert pour y diffuser des informations gouvernementales, pour y dépêcher les médiateurs, pour normaliser les échanges dans une perspective de démocratisation et d'échange populaire. / The present work deals with the hypothesis of the constitution of a public sphere with the development of televised debates in Cameroon. It is based on a corpus of 227 issues of Canal Presse and Droit de réponse from 2012 to 2017 and on semi-structured interviews with invited actors and presenters of televised debates. The results obtained reveal that the constitution of a public sphere of Cameroonian televised debates is marked by "competitive-cooperative" logics between heterogeneous social actors, and where the controversy emerges as register of dominant speech which governs the strategies of visibilisation. The results also reflect the dynamics of the occupation of the public sphere of televised debates. On this point, this work shows that the televised debates are formalized around a communication contract which favors the majority/priority access of certain categories of actors, like the journalists, the political operators, the academics, the men of law (lawyers), humanitarian entrepreneurs and civil society. Finally, the results of this work indicate that televised debates are like self-production spaces during which the strategies of legitimation of discourse, the search for legitimacy and the capture of the public are embedded. The originality of this work lies in the surpassing of the Habermasian thesis on the public sphere. This insofar as the Cameroonian public sphere appears as an issue for the communication of the State that uses it to disseminate government information, to send mediators, to normalize the exchanges in a perspective of democratization and popular exchange.

Ce mémoire porte sur le processus de racialisation des personnes de confession et/ou de culture musulmane. Il cherche à éclairer la manière dont cette racialisation s’incarne à l’égard des personnes musulmanes qui prennent part aux débats sociopolitiques de leur société (plus spécifiquement ceux entourant les enjeux de laïcité et de signes religieux). La posture scientifique adoptée allie expérience individuelle et analyse sociologique. Dans le cadre analysé, la participation à un débat public au Québec, en 2013 et 2014, autour d’un projet de loi sur la laïcité et la neutralité religieuse de l’État (le projet de loi no 60) a donné lieu à une campagne de diffamation ciblant l’auteure de cette recherche et culminant en une démarche en justice. Ce type de diffamation, qui a pour cible une personne musulmane, puise dans un registre conspirationniste de l’islamisation et de l’infiltration des institutions démocratiques et des organisations de la société civile par les musulman.es vivant dans les sociétés occidentales. À travers un cas comme celui-ci, il est possible d’observer, par une sorte d’effet grossissant, une cristallisation de plusieurs propriétés de la racialisation telle qu’elle s’incarne à l’égard des personnes musulmanes. L’analyse mobilise des vidéos et des publications diffusées sur un blogue actif en 2013 et 2014, véhiculant des thèses conspirationnistes anti-islam, des documents tirés du dossier juridique (poursuite en diffamation), ainsi qu’une reconstruction narrative des évènements. / This dissertation examines the process of racialization of people of Muslim faith and/or culture. It seeks to shed light on the way in which this racialization is exemplified with regard to Muslims who participate in the political and social debates within their society (more precisely, the debates concerning secularism and religious symbols). The scientific approach adopted in this dissertation combines individual experience and sociological analysis. In the case being studied, the participation by the author of this research in a public debate in Quebec, in 2013 and 2014, surrounding a bill on State secularism and religious neutrality (Bill 60) gave rise to a smear campaign targeting her and culminating in legal action. Since the target of this campaign was Muslim, the defamation drew on conspiracy tropes of Islamisation and the infiltration of democratic institutions and of civil society organizations by Muslims living in Western societies. By studying a case such as this it is possible to observe, by a kind of magnifying effect, the crystallisation of several properties of racialization as it is exemplified with regards to Muslims. The analysis in this dissertation employs videos and posts published on a blog that was active in 2013 and 2014 that peddled in anti-Muslim conspiracy theory, documents from the legal file (defamation suit), as well as a narrative reconstruction of the events.

Comparative case study consists of 12 chapters and is composed as qualitative research. The main goal of the study is to research the fake news used in chosen set of data, consisting of 13 television debates. The case study works with two cases - the presidential election in the Czech Republic (2018) and in Slovakia (2019). First part of the analysis deals with methodology and theoretical background for fake news and role of television debates in election campaign. Next part is dedicated to the analyzed cases of elections, briefly covering the development of the election campaign followed by analysis. The results of the analysis are summed up in the independent chapter. As the most used fake news themes in given debates the analysis identifies following: migration, negative attitude towards media, questionable funding of the campaign and attempts to influence the elections. The main difference in the cases is the nature of the competition, when the acting president is running for re-election. Keywords: Fake news, desinformation, president, elections, campaign, television debate, Miloš Zeman, Jiří Drahoš, Zuzana Čaputová, Maroš Šefčovič

This bachelor thesis examines the construction of young people in relation to reading and literacy, as expressed in a public debate that took place in Swedish daily press during the autumn of 2020. The empirical material consists of 21 articles from four major Swedish newspapers. Using a discourse analytical approach based on the conceptual framework developed by Laclau and Mouffe, this study identifies four different discourses about what constituted reading and literacy among children and adolescents: the instrumental discourse, the moralising discourse, the book discourse and the progressive discourse. These four discourses had a major impact on the debate and the construction of young people in relation to literacy and reading. One conclusion is how dominating moralising and instrumental discourses constrains and polarizes public debate. This also includes the consequences of the book discourse, implying that print literacy is more desirable than digital literacy, which creates negative attitudes towards the digital habits of children and adolescents which is expressed in the debate.

Syftet med denna studie var att undersöka hur socialsekreterare som arbetar inom missbruk och beroende resonerar kring innehållet i debatten gällande avkriminalisering av narkotika för eget bruk. Val av datainsamling var semistrukturerade intervjuer med sju verksamma socialsekreterare inom missbruk- och beroende området. Empirin har bearbetats genom tematisk analys och analyserats utifrån stigmatiseringsteorin och totalkonsumtionsteorin. Studien visar att det inte finns någon enhetlighet i socialsekreterarnas åsikter och resonemang gällande området och att det likt debatten föreligger en polarisering även här. Resonemangen som fördes av socialsekreterarna i studien gick att koppla till tre olika åsiktsläger. Den prohibitionistiska linjen som förespråkar en fortsatt kriminalisering av narkotika för eget bruk, det restriktiva folkhälsoperspektivet som efterlyste ett mer allomfattande perspektiv kring frågan och den pragmatiska harm reduction linjen som menar på att en avkriminalisering av eget bruk hade varit ett steg i rätt riktning. Studien visar att den huvudsakliga fördelen som socialsekreterarna upplevde med en avkriminalisering av eget bruk hade varit att man minskar stigmatiseringen kring människor som lever med missbruksproblem. Den huvudsakliga nackdelen som identifierades var att tillvägagångssättet hade kunnat leda till en ökad acceptans för narkotika i samhället, vilket hade lett till att fler människor använder narkotika och att man hade fått fler narkotikarelaterade problem. Studien visade även att socialsekreterarnas åsikter kring området påverkats av det praktiska mötet med målgruppen och att detta bidragit till antingen en mer restriktiv eller mer liberal hållning i frågan. / The purpose of this study was to investigate how social workers in the field of substance abuse and addiction reason about the content of the debate regarding the decriminalization of drugs for personal use. The choice of data collection was semi-structured interviews with seven active social workers in the field of substance abuse and addiction. The empiric has been processed through thematic analysis and analyzed on the basis of the stigma theory and the total consumption theory. The study shows that there is no uniformity in the social workers' opinions and reasoning regarding the area and that, like the debate, there is a polarization here as well. The reasoning given by the social workers in the study could be linked to three different opinion camps. The prohibitionist line advocating the continued criminalization of drugs for personal use, the restrictive public health perspective calling for a more comprehensive perspective on the issue, and the pragmatic harm reduction line arguing that decriminalization of drugs for personal use would have been a step in the right direction. The study shows that the main advantage that the social workers experienced with decriminalization of drugs for personal use had been to reduce the stigma surrounding people living with substance abuse problems. The main disadvantage identified was that the approach could have led to increased acceptance of drugs in society, which would have led to more people using drugs and to more drug-related problems. The study also showed that the social workers' views on the area were influenced by the practical meeting with the target group and that this contributed to either a more restrictive or more liberal attitude on the issue.

Bakgrund: Den åldrande befolkningen och bristen på vårdpersonal utgör betydande utmaningar inom äldreomsorgen. För att möta detta har vårdrobotar framställts som en potentiell lösning för att kompensera för bristen på sjukvårdspersonal. Att utveckla och implementera dessa vårdrobotar kräver noggrant övervägande av de etiska konsekvenserna för alla typer av användare. Syfte: Denna studie syftade till att undersöka de etiska argumenten som presenteras i svenska nyhetsartiklar om användningen av vårdrobotar inom äldreomsorgen. Metod: En kvalitativ innehållsanalys används för att identifiera etiska argument och innehåll i debattartiklar. Dessa etiska argument analyseras sedan och jämförs med bioetiska principer och teorier. Resultat: Den etiska debatten om vårdrobotar i äldreomsorgen innefattade bioetiska principer som autonomi, godhet, icke-skada och rättvisa. Ett centralt tema var betoningen av autonomi, där möjligheten för äldre att välja mellan vård av en robot eller en människa var av stor vikt. Samtidigt framkom oro för att robotar kan leda till brist på mänsklig kontakt och isolering. Artiklarna betonade att i användningen av robotar bör fokuseras på äldres behov och önskemål, snarare än ekonomiska eller politiska motiv. Slutsats: Resultatet av denna studie kan utgöra underlag för beslutsfattare att fatta mer informerade beslut om utveckling, användning och implementering av dessa vårdrobotar. Denna kunskap kan bidra till att främja en etisk och ändamålsenlig användning av vårdrobotar. / Background: The aging population and the shortage of healthcare personnel pose significant challenges within elderly care. To address this, care robots have been developed as a potential solution to compensate for the shortage of healthcare staff. Developing and implementing these care robots requires careful consideration of the ethical consequences for all types of users. Purpose: This study aimed to examine the ethical arguments presented in Swedish news articles regarding the use of care robots in elderly care. Method: A qualitative content analysis was used to identify ethical arguments and content in opinion articles. These ethical arguments were then analyzed and compared with bioethical principles and theories. Results: The ethical debate about care robots in elderly care included bioethical principles such as autonomy, beneficence, non-maleficence, and justice. A central theme was the emphasis on autonomy, where the ability for the elderly to choose between care from a robot or a human was of great importance. At the same time, concerns were raised that robots could lead to a lack of human contact and isolation. The articles emphasized that the use of robots should focus on the needs and desires of the elderly, rather than economic or political motivations. Conclusion: The findings of this study can provide a basis for decision-makers to make more informed decisions about the development, use, and implementation of these care robots. This knowledge can contribute to promoting the ethical and purposeful use of care robots.

No description available.

Studien genomfördes som en enkätundersökning av tittarna till programserien slaget om skogen. Studien undersökte tittarnas källkritik, deras förtroende för utgivarna, om tittarnas åsikt förändrats efter att ha tittat på programserien samt hur respondenterna upplevde att programserien presenterat och speglat det svenska skogsbruket. En kombination av kvalitativa och kvantitativa data samlades in genom en enkätundersökning där totalt 168 respondenter valde att besvara enkäten, 49 respondenter besvarade den frivilliga frågan. Resultatet av studien visade att respondenterna hade ett lågt förtroende för public service och till viss del valde respondenterna att källgranska informationen i programserien. Respondenterna kände sig inte påverkade av programserien och hade inte ändrat åsikt om det svenska skogsbruket efter att ha tittat, de anser inte heller att det svenska skogsbruket presenterades och speglades representativt.

Die englischsprachige Dissertationsschrift leistet einen grundlegenden Beitrag zur irischen Gartenkunstgeschichte des 18. Jahrhunderts. In ihr wird erstmals übergreifend die Argumentation raum-zeitlicher Inszenierungsstrategien in irischen Landschaftsgärten durch den visuellen und ästhetisch-stilistischen Bezug auf archäologische Überreste (wie Ganggräber, Ringforts und Hünengräber), Ruinen und historischen Stätten analysiert. Dafür werden 38 Gärten vor dem Hintergrund der Entwicklung vergleichbarer Anlagen in England und auf dem europäischen Kontinent untersucht (vier davon als Fallstudien). Es wird dargelegt, dass die Kompositionen irischer Gartenanlagen, die sich im Besitz sowohl etablierter als auch neu angesiedelter Grundbesitzer befanden, ein Ausdrucksmittel waren, um auf die sozial-politische Situation englischer Herrschaft zu reagieren. In den Gartenanlagen wurde irische Geschichte angeeignet bzw. instrumentalisiert. Die Wahrnehmung von archäologischen Überresten und historischen Stätten war eng mit der zeitgenössischen irischen antiquarischen Debatte verbunden. Gärten an oder in der Nähe von historischen Stätten sind grundsätzlich ein sehr geeignetes Medium um Geschichte erfahrbar zu machen. Denn während sich die Besucher durch den Gartenraum bewegen, können sie Raum und Zeit wahrnehmen. Durch die visuelle Verbindung von alten architektonischen Überresten und zeitgenössischen Gartenarchitekturen über Blickachsen werden darüber hinaus Vergangenheit und Gegenwart miteinander verknüpft. Für die Untersuchung wurde eine interdisziplinäre Methode gewählt, aus rezeptionsästhetischen und raumstrategischen Ansätzen, politischer Ikonographie und mit Verortung der Objekte in ihrem sozial-politischen Entstehungskontext. Die Arbeit enthält einen Katalogteil, der steckbriefartig 24 Gartenanlagen erfasst, die im Text ausführlicher analysiert werden. / This PhD thesis in English makes a fundamental contribution to the history of Irish gardens in the 18th century. For the first time, it analyses the staging of spatio-temporal strategies in Irish landscape gardens through visual and aesthetic-stylistic references to archaeological remains (such as passage tombs, ringforts and cromlechs), ruins and historical sites. For this purpose, 38 gardens are examined against the background of the development of comparable sites in England and on the European continent (four of them as case studies). It is argued that the compositions of Irish gardens, owned by both established and newly settled landowners, were a means of expression in response to the socio-political situation of English rule. Irish history was appropriated or instrumentalised in the gardens. The perception of archaeological remains and historic sites was closely linked to the contemporary Irish antiquarian debate. Gardens at or near historic sites are fundamentally a very appropriate medium for making history tangible. For as visitors move through the garden space, they can perceive space and time. Moreover, by visually linking ancient architectural remains and contemporary garden architecture via visual axes, past and present are interconnected. An interdisciplinary method was chosen for the study, consisting of approaches to reception aesthetics and spatial strategy, political iconography and locating the objects in their socio-political context of origin. The work contains a catalogue section that lists 24 garden sites, which are analysed in more detail in the text.