In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries women troubadours in southern France called trobairitz participated in dialogue or debate poems called tensons with male troubadours. Of the nine existing tensons that include a male and a female voice, we will only analyze five tensons with the known identities of both the trobairitz and the troubadour that debate the subject of love, and we will include the following trobairitz tensons in this paper: Alamanda, Isabella, Garsenda, Lombarda and Maria de Ventadorn. We will discuss the thematic elements these five tensons share. Scholars such as Pierre Bec, Peter Dronke and Katharina Wilson note trobairitz' themes vary from those of traditional male troubadours. Troubadours concentrate on the outward or social manifestations of the courtly love game and values, yet trobairitz focus on the intimate, private pleasures of love by deviating from generally accepted courtly love conventions and social behaviors. Since the subject of love is debated in these five tensons, the personal character in these tensons alludes to the trobairitz's life—circumstances and incidents. A trobairitz's personal character is also illustrated in the tenson by her willingness to show personal qualities about a love relationship and as Deborah Perkal-Balinsky calls it "a willingness to deviate from accepted social behavior or perhaps the rules of the game, in an effort to attain the intimate pleasures in a love relationship" (46). The tensons discussed provide valuable information about trobairitz and courtly love—the publicly displayed values of honor, valor and mercy. At times, trobairitz solicit love by revolting against the courtly love rules to win a man. In courtly love tensons, trobairitz use the literary style, courtly vocabulary and courtly values to express both their support and criticism for the system. Through the use of courtly vocabulary, trobairitz conform to the styles developed by troubadours, yet when trobairitz write as female lovers and poets, they also discard the conventions set forth by troubadours, since they are not male lovers and poets. In each tenson the literary mode is man-in-society, and the theme centers around love"”either the praise of it or the blame from lack thereof or both (Hagen 27). In each of the five tensons, there are three common threads in the trobairitz love relationships: (1) in each tenson we see the personal character of the trobairitz; (2) we see them deviate from the accepted social behavior or the rules of the game; and (3) we witness that the trobairitz are usually unhappy with their love relationships. We will examine each tenson individually regarding these three aspects.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 set Europe in sorrow, distress, and emergency. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is something Sweden has refrained from joining due to the country’s neutral stance. However, despite Sweden's long-standing neutrality of over 200 years, it was abandoned within only weeks. The short timeframe of decision-making raised questions about the level of rationality in the decision of the Swedish NATO application. Scholars and researchers have through different methods and theories attempted to explain this unpredictable shift, but still, the process appears to lack a clearly defined rationale. This case study seeks to understand the decision-making process of the government in times of crisis, examining how the rationality of such decisions may have been compromised by analyzing secondary data. The aim is to address the research gap, concerning the rapid and framed process for Sweden to join NATO. Analyzing the decision through the lens of Bounded Rationality Theory, applying variables such as (1) time pressure, (2) cognition, and (3) access to information (Simon, 1947), the possibility arises to shred light on the factors contributing to Bounded Rationality in the Swedish NATO process. These aspects were all present in the Swedish NATO process. In combination with characteristics of a government in crisis (Boin, Hart, Stern & Sundelius, 2005), one can to a great extent understand the significant shift in stance towards NATO membership, given that governments tend to act differently when being subject to a crisis. It can be concluded that rationality was significantly bounded by limited access to information, to some extent by the ability to process information, and comprehensively by the constraints of time pressure. The Swedish NATO process, consisting of a government amid a crisis, was subject to and exemplifies Bounded Rationality in decision-making.

The overall aim of the thesis is to discuss cultural significations and notions of colour in Swedish post-war architecture. More specifically, the purpose is to analyse the question of colour in architecture linked to the polychrome walls of Årsta Community Centre, including background, intentions, cultural context and debate. Årsta Community Centre, situated just south of Stockholm, was built in 1947-53. The buildings as well as the colourful paintings covering the walls facing the square were designed by architects and brothers Erik and Tore Ahlsén. Newspapers and journals showed a clear indignation concerning the colourful exterior walls. Why did the polychrome walls at Årsta raise so much attention and cause such criticism? And how are these reactions related to contemporary ideas of colour in architecture in general? The thesis is divided into six chapters. The introductory chapter is followed by a historical retrospect with examples of use and notions of colour in architecture, in order to present a prelude to post-war thoughts and design. This text leads up to two central concepts developed for this thesis: Structural and independent colour effect. The third chapter presents Årsta Community Centre with focus on the polychrome walls at Årsta square, analysing the role of the architects and the cultural and social environment in which they were interacting. Special attention is paid to the important inspiration provided by the thoughts of the Danish artist and writer Asger Jorn. The forth chapter deals with the critique of Årsta square as well as arguments in contemporary debates concerning colour in architecture (as for example in the Apollo and Dionysus-debate). Chapter five discusses the role of independent colour effect in art and architecture of the 1940´s and 50´s related to examples of contemporary ideas and use of history. The conclusions of the study are presented in the sixth chapter. It contains an interpretation of the polychrome space, mainly focusing on two themes: The first is the understanding of the square as a theatre, based on historical social and urban patterns. The second is the suggestion of a modernistic language of colour and architecture for common man that is universal and time-less, challenging established social and material hierarchies. The thesis finishes with an analysis and a summary point by point of the critique directed at the colours of Årsta Community Centre with main emphasis on the underlaying political motives. / <p>QC 20101112</p>

Mäns våld mot kvinnor kan ses som ett problem som ger konsekvenser på både individ- och samhällsnivå. Det språk som används i media kan ses påverka våra uppfattningar och tolkningar av det som rapporteras. Hur mäns våld mot kvinnor diskuteras i det offentliga rummet har därmed varit relevant att studera för att få en bild av hur debatten om ämnet ser ut. Studien har därmed syftat till att undersöka hur mäns våld mot kvinnor i parrelation framställs i debattartiklar under 2023 i Sverige med hjälp av en kritisk diskursanalys. För att besvara syftet har en kvalitativ dokumentstudie av svenska debattartiklar gjorts. Studiens teoretiska ramverk har varit den ekologiska förklaringsmodellen av Heise, som vidareutvecklats av UN Women, samt Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys. Resultatet visar två gemensamma diskurser vi benämnt Mäns våld mot kvinnor som ett samhällsproblem och Mäns våld mot kvinnor bör hanteras kollektivt. Diskurserna synliggörs på olika sätt i debattartiklarna beroende på hur skribenterna har uttryckt sig vilket vi delat in i olika teman. Fokuset i vår analys har varit på ordval och modalitet vilket är den första nivån i Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys. Vi har genom det kunnat se att skribenterna tenderar att använda ett förstärkande språk när de skriver om mäns våld mot kvinnor i parrelation. Våldet beskrivs främst som ett strukturellt problem vilket vi relaterat till den samhälleliga nivån i den ekologiska modellen och den tredje nivån i den kritiska diskursanalysen.

Denna uppsats analyserar den svenska debatten kring att demokratin i Sverige är hotad under 2023. Uppsatsen syftar till att se vilka svenska aktörer som driver debatten i några av Sveriges mest lästa tidningar, samt analysera deras argument för att förstå vilken autokratiseringstyp, om någon, de hävdar att Sverige skulle befinna sig i. Vidare diskuteras även vilka utmaningar den mest framträdande autokratiseringstypen skulle skapa i Sverige. Detta görs genom en kvalitativ textanalys på tio utvalda debattartiklar, krönikor och ledare publicerade under 2023 i de utvalda tidningarna. Argumenten lyfts fram och analyseras sedan tillsammans med de fyra senast observerade autokratiseringstyperna. Analysen av argumenten visar att de flesta aktörer som påstår att demokratin är hotad har politisk vinning med undantag för några få. De hävdar att Sverige befinner sig i autokratiseringstyperna “hot och hat” samt “eliterna har makten”. Utmaningarna som tydligast identifieras kopplas till ”hot och hat” och innebär utmaningar för den lokala och regionala demokratin i Sverige med fokus på konsekvenserna av begräsningar av yttrandefriheten. Autokratiseringstyperna är endast observationer av processer i olika länder och det finns ingen forskning som pekar på vad som är ett exakt startskott för en demokratisk regression. Det finns heller ingen utländsk forskning på att den svenska demokratin skulle vara hotad. Därför går det inte att konstatera att Sverige faktiskt befinner sig i en pågående autokratiseringsprocess. / This essay analyzes the Swedish debate surrounding the perceived threat to democracy in Sweden during 2023. The aim of the essay is to identify the actors driving the debate in some of Sweden's most widely read newspapers, and to analyze their arguments in order to understand which type of autocratization, if any, they claim Sweden to be experiencing. Furthermore, the essay discusses the challenges that the most prominent type of autocratization would pose in Sweden. This is done through a qualitative textual analysis of ten selected opinion articles, columns, and editorials published in the selected newspapers during 2023. The arguments are highlighted and then analyzed alongside the four most recently observed types of autocratization. The analysis of the arguments reveals that most actors claiming democracy is threatened have political motives, with a few exceptions. They argue that Sweden is experiencing the autocratization types of "threat and hatred" and "the elites have power." The challenges most clearly identified are linked to "threat and hatred" and entail challenges for local and regional democracy in Sweden with a foucs on the consequences of restrictions on freedom of expression. The autocratization types are merely observations of autocratization processes in different countries, and there is no research indicating what constitutes an exact trigger for democratic regression. There is also no foreign research suggesting that Swedish democracy is under threat. Therefore, it cannot be concluded that Sweden is actually undergoing an autocratization process.

This essay intends to discover how a qualitative discourse of right-wing populismcan be seen within the Swedish parliament, by exploring how politicians in theparliament are using the "us against them" and if a scapegoat is created by doing so.The essay's key questions are going to examine the differences and similaritiesbetween the Social democratic government from 2020-2022 and the current centerright government compared to the opposition parties, between social democrats andcenter-right government on right-wing populist discourse, and what the media isnotifying about the political debate within the government. By doing so, we can find out important explanatory factors on why the shift inpolitics in Sweden has gone to more right-wing populist rhetoric, to understand whythis has been occurring in the Swedish government. By looking at the factors of whya rise of right-wing populism has occurred within different types of governmentparties and the type of similarities and differences they have on different parties’discourse about the framing of anti-immigration rhetoric.

Globalization and English-language predominance situate English teachers as increasingly influential mediators of both language and culture. In the iconic multicultural hub of Ontario, Canada, teachers work within a causal nexus of social theories of language, the information and communication technologies revolution, and unprecedented global interdependency. Changes in English curriculum reflect these trends, from references to “global citizenship,” to stress on “intercultural communication,” “cultural sensitivity,” and Information and Communication Technology (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2007). Delegated gatekeepers of both linguistic and critical literacies, and facing new questions about the purposes and priorities of their discipline, Ontario English teachers must negotiate the divide between an inherited curriculum and the impacts of sociocultural transformation on changing literacy needs. To contribute to a professional dialogue about teaching English in a multicultural society and global age, this thesis presents findings from interviews with fifteen Ontario secondary English teachers. The focal question, “How is English changing?” introduces a range of pressing issues, such as: displacing the canon, practicing intercultural communication, balancing a democratic discourse, or “common culture,” with respect for diverse values, and managing opposing views and resistance to English curriculum change. The data reveal how English teachers across levels of experience occupy contrasting positions on the curriculum change debate. In part, this can be explained in terms of epistemological orientations. The participants represent three categories: Adaptation, Applied Research / Collaborative Inquiry, and Activism, each by turn more geared toward reconceptualizing English for social diversity and global consciousness. Beyond these classifications, the teachers reflect dissonant perceptions, sometimes personal ambivalence, on the changing role of text choice, and written and oral dialogue in the English classroom. From passionate defenses of Shakespeare, to radical measures to revamp book lists for cultural relevance, to remarkable illustrations of curriculum linked with global consciousness and civic action, the responses of the English teachers delineate zones of difficulty, change, and possibility. They help, too, to catch sight of a new horizon: the English classroom as a space for “cultural conversation” (Applebee, 1994) where canon- and teacher-centred dialogue give way to intertextual (Bakhtin, 1981; Kristeva, 1980) and intercultural (R. Young, 1996) transactions.

L’objectif de la thèse est d’étudier plusieurs aspects de l’appropriation d’une culture scientifique (acculturation scientifique) chez des élèves français de seconde et des élèves tunisiens du secondaire, à partir de l’analyse des interactions langagières (sur les plans de la conduite argumentative, du travail cognitif et de la prise en charge énonciative).Dans cette recherche, nous considérons qu’en classe comme au sein de la communauté scientifique, les savoirs scientifiques appartiennent à deux catégories : celle des questions scientifiques stabilisées et celle des questions socialement vives. Nous étudions ainsi l’influence de la nature de la question débattue sur l’appropriation de la culture scientifique chez des élèves français de seconde. Deux types de débat ont été examinés : l’un portant sur une question scientifique stabilisée et l’autre sur une question socialement vive. Nous étudions également l’influence de l’appartenance socioculturelle des apprenants sur leur acculturation scientifique, dans le cas où la question débattue est socialement vive. / The aim of the thesis is to study several aspects of the appropriation of a scientific culture (scientific acculturation) among French pupils of 14-15 years and secondary sector Tunisians pupils (high school), on the base of the study of linguistic interactions (argumentative behaviour, cognitive work and enunciative level bearing).In this research we consider that, within classroom as within scientific community, the scientific knowledge falls into two categories: the one of stabilized scientific issues and the one of burning social ones. So, two types of debate have been studied: one dealing with a stabilized scientific issue; the other dealing with a burning social issue. We also examine the effects of sociocultural characteristics of the learners on their scientific acculturation, when the issue discussed is dealing with a hot topic.

Cette thèse interroge l’émergence de ce que j’appelle le problème guerre-communication-public dans le travail de Walter Lippmann (1889-1974), le célèbre journaliste et écrivain, pour ensuite aborder le déploiement ultérieur de ce problème au sein de deux formations contemporaines de pouvoir, le spectacle et la société de contrôle biopolitique. Au niveau théorique et méthodologique, cette thèse réactive l’analytique du pouvoir en tant que guerre proposée par Michel Foucault (1997), laquelle solidarise l’enquête historique et l’analyse du pouvoir. Adoptant cette perspective, cette thèse relève tout à la fois de l’enquête historique et de l’analyse du pouvoir et vise simultanément à produire un savoir historique original et à mobiliser ce savoir afin d’éclairer certains aspects de l’exercice contemporain du pouvoir, notamment quant aux savoirs qui y sont mobilisés. La première partie de cette thèse aborde le renversement de la relation clausewitzienne entre guerre et politique caractéristique du travail de Lippmann, lequel est central au problème guerre-communication-public. Afin d’exposer ce renversement, cette thèse revisite la question des influences intellectuelles de Lippmann à partir d’une enquête archivistique ainsi que par une analyse généalogique de la notion de guerre froide (qui est généralement attribuée à Lippmann). Ce faisant, cette partie de la thèse contribue aux débats historiographiques portant sur l’apport de Lippmann aux théories de la communication (débats avec lesquels cette thèse s’engage), notamment en proposant une nouvelle analyse du débat Dewey-Lippmann et des rapports de Lippmann à la philosophie pragmatiste. La deuxième partie de cette thèse interroge le fonctionnement contemporain du pouvoir en tant que spectacle et société de contrôle biopolitique à partir du problème guerre-communication-public. Cette démarche permet de préciser certains aspects de ces formations de pouvoir, notamment quant à leurs événements historiques, leurs modes de fonctionnement, leurs ancrages dans la guerre et la stratégie ainsi que leurs rapports mutuels. / In this dissertation, I question the emergence of what I call the war/communication/public problem in the work of renowned journalist and writer Walter Lippmann (1889-1974), before addressing the subsequent unfolding of two contemporary power formations, namely the spectacle and the biopolitical control society. At a theoretical and methodological level, this dissertation is based upon Michel Foucault’s (1997) analytics of power as war, which links historical enquiry and power analysis. Through this perspective, this dissertation relates both to historical inquiry and to power analysis, and aims both to produce original historical knowledge and to mobilize that knowledge in order to shed light on some aspects of contemporary exercise of power, especially with respect to the knowledge it mobilizes. The first part of this dissertation addresses the reversal of Clausewitz’s relation between war and politics, which characterizes Lippmann’s work and is central to the war/communication/public problem. In order to highlight this reversal, this dissertation revisits the question of Lippmann’s intellectual influences, thanks of archival work as well as to the genealogical analysis of the notion of cold war (which is usually attributed to Lippmann). In doing so, this first part of the dissertation contributes to the historiographical debates relating to the Lippmann’s contribution to communication theory (debates with which this dissertation converses), especially by suggestion a new outlook on the Dewey-Lippmann debate and the latter’s relationships to pragmatist philosophy. The second part of this dissertation questions the functioning of contemporary power as a spectacle and as a biopolitical control society, through the war/communication/public problem. This endeavor allows pinpointing some aspects of these power formations, especially with respect to their historical events, their modes of operation, their anchoring in war and strategy, as well as their respective relationships.

This thesis examines the Italian news reports, political debates and histories of the revolt in the Netherlands between 1566 and 1648. Many Italians were directly involved in this conflict and were keen narrators of these wars. Despite this, a systematic study of the Italian interest for the conflict has not yet been undertaken. This thesis argues that the complex political constellation of the Italian peninsula, dominated by the Habsburg monarchy, shaped the Italian news, debates and interpretations of the Dutch Revolt. Chapter one examines the different ways in which news from the Low Countries reached Italian states. It demonstrates that Italian military officers, active on the battlefield in the Netherlands in the Habsburg army, played a crucial role as purveyors of news and opinion on the conflict. The two following chapters study the circulation of political treatises on the Italian peninsula. Chapter two reconstructs the debates sparked by the events in the Low Countries between 1576 and 1577. Chapter three examines the descriptions of the emergence of a new state in the Northern Netherlands and the discourses on war and peace between 1590 and 1609. Chapter four looks into the development of a market for printed news pamphlets and explores the connections between manuscript and printed news. Chapter five studies how news was used by Italian history writers in their contemporary chronicles. It also investigates how these authors celebrated Italian protagonists in the war as Italian and Catholic heroes. The conclusion examines the evolution of all these Italian discourses related to Dutch Revolt.