Cette thèse interroge l’émergence de ce que j’appelle le problème guerre-communication-public dans le travail de Walter Lippmann (1889-1974), le célèbre journaliste et écrivain, pour ensuite aborder le déploiement ultérieur de ce problème au sein de deux formations contemporaines de pouvoir, le spectacle et la société de contrôle biopolitique. Au niveau théorique et méthodologique, cette thèse réactive l’analytique du pouvoir en tant que guerre proposée par Michel Foucault (1997), laquelle solidarise l’enquête historique et l’analyse du pouvoir. Adoptant cette perspective, cette thèse relève tout à la fois de l’enquête historique et de l’analyse du pouvoir et vise simultanément à produire un savoir historique original et à mobiliser ce savoir afin d’éclairer certains aspects de l’exercice contemporain du pouvoir, notamment quant aux savoirs qui y sont mobilisés. La première partie de cette thèse aborde le renversement de la relation clausewitzienne entre guerre et politique caractéristique du travail de Lippmann, lequel est central au problème guerre-communication-public. Afin d’exposer ce renversement, cette thèse revisite la question des influences intellectuelles de Lippmann à partir d’une enquête archivistique ainsi que par une analyse généalogique de la notion de guerre froide (qui est généralement attribuée à Lippmann). Ce faisant, cette partie de la thèse contribue aux débats historiographiques portant sur l’apport de Lippmann aux théories de la communication (débats avec lesquels cette thèse s’engage), notamment en proposant une nouvelle analyse du débat Dewey-Lippmann et des rapports de Lippmann à la philosophie pragmatiste. La deuxième partie de cette thèse interroge le fonctionnement contemporain du pouvoir en tant que spectacle et société de contrôle biopolitique à partir du problème guerre-communication-public. Cette démarche permet de préciser certains aspects de ces formations de pouvoir, notamment quant à leurs événements historiques, leurs modes de fonctionnement, leurs ancrages dans la guerre et la stratégie ainsi que leurs rapports mutuels. / In this dissertation, I question the emergence of what I call the war/communication/public problem in the work of renowned journalist and writer Walter Lippmann (1889-1974), before addressing the subsequent unfolding of two contemporary power formations, namely the spectacle and the biopolitical control society. At a theoretical and methodological level, this dissertation is based upon Michel Foucault’s (1997) analytics of power as war, which links historical enquiry and power analysis. Through this perspective, this dissertation relates both to historical inquiry and to power analysis, and aims both to produce original historical knowledge and to mobilize that knowledge in order to shed light on some aspects of contemporary exercise of power, especially with respect to the knowledge it mobilizes. The first part of this dissertation addresses the reversal of Clausewitz’s relation between war and politics, which characterizes Lippmann’s work and is central to the war/communication/public problem. In order to highlight this reversal, this dissertation revisits the question of Lippmann’s intellectual influences, thanks of archival work as well as to the genealogical analysis of the notion of cold war (which is usually attributed to Lippmann). In doing so, this first part of the dissertation contributes to the historiographical debates relating to the Lippmann’s contribution to communication theory (debates with which this dissertation converses), especially by suggestion a new outlook on the Dewey-Lippmann debate and the latter’s relationships to pragmatist philosophy. The second part of this dissertation questions the functioning of contemporary power as a spectacle and as a biopolitical control society, through the war/communication/public problem. This endeavor allows pinpointing some aspects of these power formations, especially with respect to their historical events, their modes of operation, their anchoring in war and strategy, as well as their respective relationships.

Globalization and English-language predominance situate English teachers as increasingly influential mediators of both language and culture. In the iconic multicultural hub of Ontario, Canada, teachers work within a causal nexus of social theories of language, the information and communication technologies revolution, and unprecedented global interdependency. Changes in English curriculum reflect these trends, from references to “global citizenship,” to stress on “intercultural communication,” “cultural sensitivity,” and Information and Communication Technology (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2007). Delegated gatekeepers of both linguistic and critical literacies, and facing new questions about the purposes and priorities of their discipline, Ontario English teachers must negotiate the divide between an inherited curriculum and the impacts of sociocultural transformation on changing literacy needs. To contribute to a professional dialogue about teaching English in a multicultural society and global age, this thesis presents findings from interviews with fifteen Ontario secondary English teachers. The focal question, “How is English changing?” introduces a range of pressing issues, such as: displacing the canon, practicing intercultural communication, balancing a democratic discourse, or “common culture,” with respect for diverse values, and managing opposing views and resistance to English curriculum change. The data reveal how English teachers across levels of experience occupy contrasting positions on the curriculum change debate. In part, this can be explained in terms of epistemological orientations. The participants represent three categories: Adaptation, Applied Research / Collaborative Inquiry, and Activism, each by turn more geared toward reconceptualizing English for social diversity and global consciousness. Beyond these classifications, the teachers reflect dissonant perceptions, sometimes personal ambivalence, on the changing role of text choice, and written and oral dialogue in the English classroom. From passionate defenses of Shakespeare, to radical measures to revamp book lists for cultural relevance, to remarkable illustrations of curriculum linked with global consciousness and civic action, the responses of the English teachers delineate zones of difficulty, change, and possibility. They help, too, to catch sight of a new horizon: the English classroom as a space for “cultural conversation” (Applebee, 1994) where canon- and teacher-centred dialogue give way to intertextual (Bakhtin, 1981; Kristeva, 1980) and intercultural (R. Young, 1996) transactions.

This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.

Les faits justificatifs de la diffamation témoignent de la difficile conciliation entre le droit à la protection de l’honneur et le droit à l’information. Le domaine de l’exception de vérité (art. 35 de la loi du 29 juillet 1881), délimité par trois exceptions en 1944, fut rapidement critiqué, en ce qu’il ne permettait pas la justification des imputations les plus utiles à la société. En outre, la sévérité des conditions de fond et de forme de la preuve de la vérité fit le plus souvent obstacle à la relaxe. En réaction, la jurisprudence créa le fait justificatif de la bonne foi, fondé sur quatre critères accessibles (but légitime, sérieux de l’enquête, prudence et mesure dans l’expression, défaut d’animosité personnelle et favorisant un droit du public à l’information de qualité. À la fin du XXème siècle, ce système fut profondément mis en cause, comme étant contraire à la jurisprudence de la CEDH relative à l’article 10 CESDH, laquelle impose une protection accrue des propos d’intérêt général ou politiques. En conséquence, le Conseil constitutionnel supprima deux des trois limites à l’exception de vérité, qui n’est plus interdite que dans domaine de la vie privée. Ce nouvel arbitrage entre les deux valeurs en conflit n’apparaît pas satisfaisant, d’autant que la preuve de la vérité est toujours entravée par des conditions drastiques. En 2008, la Cour de cassation intégra de manière radicale les critères strasbourgeois à sa jurisprudence sur la bonne foi. Elle se dirige aujourd’hui vers une formule plus équilibrée, fondée sur l’application proportionnelle des quatre critères traditionnels corrigés à la lumière des principes de la CEDH. Cependant, elle applique également les critères strasbourgeois à d’autres infractions attentatoires à la liberté d’expression, qui ne bénéficient pas de la structure d’accueil des faits justificatifs de la diffamation. Pour ces cas, au lieu de l’adoption du contrôle de proportionnalité envisagée, la création d’un fait justificatif générique fondé sur l’article 10 de la CESDH est proposée, plus respectueuse de la logique pénale. / The special justifications applicable to defamation bare witness to the difficult conciliation between the right to protect ones honor and the public’s right to information. The area of the defence of truth (art. 35 of the 29 July 1881), delineated by three exceptions in 1944, was rapidly critiqued, preventing the justification of some of the most socially useful imputations. Furthermore, the defence of truth was subjected to highly rigourous formal and substantial requirements that often prevented ones acquittal on the basis of that demonstration. In reaction, the case-law created another special justification for defamation, based on good faith, and founded on four accessible criterias (legitimate aim of the information, serious verification, moderation of tone and caution in the choice of words, lack of personal animosity) that favorise the public’s right to quality information. At the end of the 20th century, this system was profoundly questioned, as being against the case-law of the CEDH, that requires a stronger protection of freedom of speech (article 10 CESDH) in connexion with debates of general interest or political discussions. Consequently, the Constitutional council repealed two of the three limits within the defence of truth, which is now only forbidden in the area of ones private life. This new arbitration between the two conflicting values doesn’t seem satisfying, especially since the defence of truth is still impeded by drastic conditions. In 2008, the Court of cassation integrated in a radical manner the CEDH criterias to its case-law on good faith. The case-law today steers towards a more balanced formula, founded on a proportional application of the four traditional criterias corrected in the light of the principes of the CEDH. However, the Court of cassation equally applies the CEDH criterias to other detrimental offences towards the freedom of expression, that do not benefit from the structural support of the special justifications of defamation. For those offences, instead of adopting the envisioned control of proportionality, it is proposed to create a generic justification, founded on the article 10 of the CESDH, that would be more consistent with the logic of criminal law.

Argumentation in interaction: The sequential structure of accounts in television debates Abstract This dissertation concentrates on the sequential structure of argumentation in spoken interaction. The point of departure is the concept of argumentation as linguistic action based on accounting for a controversial position with the purpose of convincing listeners of its acceptability or in order to defend it when it is challenged. The dissertation's specific aim is to describe the interactional context of argumentation using material from TV debates. The study utilizes ethnomethodological conversation analysis combined with elements of argumentation theory. The objects of empirical analysis are the types of linguistic action in argumentation interaction (e.g. the call for argumentation or the challenge to a position or argument) and the means of signaling argumentation. The research focuses on the analysis of the sequential organization of the TV debate, including the system of turn-taking, and on describing the sequential contexts of the argumentation in this genre. Attention is devoted to so-called argumentative sequences, i.e. series of mutual argumentative responses (problematizations) by the debate participants. Also examined are other types of linguistic action which initiate argumentation by...

A adaptação dos sistemas tradicionais de ensino presencial para o ambiente de ensino a distância introduz diversas mudanças na práxis escolar. Com a ausência do contato direto entre educador e educandos, surge a necessidade de utilização de artefatos tecnológicos que substituam a interação direta. O fórum de discussão é um desses artefatos tecnológicos. Ele possui a característica de ser um elemento catalisador da comunicação entre os envolvidos e pode ser um importante instrumento no processo educacional. Contudo, a natureza não estruturada das mensagens textuais de um fórum dificulta o seu uso como instrumento na avaliação individual do aluno. A análise e qualificação do conteúdo das mensagens armazenadas em um fórum representa um grande desafio para o instrutor. A ausência de uma estrutura formal de representação dos conceitos, crenças e idéias dos alunos poderia ser apontado como um dos elementos que contribuem para esse desafio. A proposta desta pesquisa é o desenvolvimento de um modelo que permita a estruturação e representação das mensagens de um fórum. Essa estruturação considera três aspectos da mensagem: i) os conceitos apresentados, ii) quem os apresentou e finalmente iii) quando esses conceitos foram apresentados. Para validar esse modelo, um programa de computador foi desenvolvido e testado em um fórum do ambiente virtual Moodle. O conceitos desenvolvidos para o Modelo de Estruturação e Representação das Mensagens do Fórum foram utilizados no desenvolvimento desse programa de computador. Por meio desse modelo de estruturação e representação das mensagens, um mapa ou guia é gerado. Esse mapa ou guia pode ser acessado pelo professor ou instrutor. Esse novo recurso desenvolvido, pode ser utilizado como uma ferramenta de apoio à análise ou avaliação do fórum do ambiente Moodle como um todo ou de cada participação individual do aluno. / The traditional learning practices adaptation to the distance learning introduces several changes in school practice. Since in distance learning the direct contact between educators and students does not exist, new technological artifacts become necessary in order to replace direct interaction. One of these artifacts is the discussion forum, which works as a catalyzer element of the communication between involved ones and can be an important tool in the educational process. Nevertheless, non-structured nature of text messages on a forum hampers its use as a tool in individual student assessment. Analysis and qualification of message contents stored on a forum represents an important challenge for instructors. The absence of a formal representation of concepts, ideas and beliefs from students could be designated as one of the factors that make this challenge even harder. This research proposes the development of a model that allows the messages on a forum can be structured and represented. This structuration considers three message aspects: i) presented concepts, ii) who has presented it, and iii) when concepts have been presented. As a means to validate this model, a computer program was developed and tested in a Moodle virtual environment forum. The concepts developed to the Structuration and Representation of the Forum Messages Model were used on this computer program development. Through the use of this model a map or guide is generated. This map or guide can be accessed by the professor or instructor. This new feature can be used as a support tool to analysis or evaluation of a Moodle forum environment.

A adaptação dos sistemas tradicionais de ensino presencial para o ambiente de ensino a distância introduz diversas mudanças na práxis escolar. Com a ausência do contato direto entre educador e educandos, surge a necessidade de utilização de artefatos tecnológicos que substituam a interação direta. O fórum de discussão é um desses artefatos tecnológicos. Ele possui a característica de ser um elemento catalisador da comunicação entre os envolvidos e pode ser um importante instrumento no processo educacional. Contudo, a natureza não estruturada das mensagens textuais de um fórum dificulta o seu uso como instrumento na avaliação individual do aluno. A análise e qualificação do conteúdo das mensagens armazenadas em um fórum representa um grande desafio para o instrutor. A ausência de uma estrutura formal de representação dos conceitos, crenças e idéias dos alunos poderia ser apontado como um dos elementos que contribuem para esse desafio. A proposta desta pesquisa é o desenvolvimento de um modelo que permita a estruturação e representação das mensagens de um fórum. Essa estruturação considera três aspectos da mensagem: i) os conceitos apresentados, ii) quem os apresentou e finalmente iii) quando esses conceitos foram apresentados. Para validar esse modelo, um programa de computador foi desenvolvido e testado em um fórum do ambiente virtual Moodle. O conceitos desenvolvidos para o Modelo de Estruturação e Representação das Mensagens do Fórum foram utilizados no desenvolvimento desse programa de computador. Por meio desse modelo de estruturação e representação das mensagens, um mapa ou guia é gerado. Esse mapa ou guia pode ser acessado pelo professor ou instrutor. Esse novo recurso desenvolvido, pode ser utilizado como uma ferramenta de apoio à análise ou avaliação do fórum do ambiente Moodle como um todo ou de cada participação individual do aluno. / The traditional learning practices adaptation to the distance learning introduces several changes in school practice. Since in distance learning the direct contact between educators and students does not exist, new technological artifacts become necessary in order to replace direct interaction. One of these artifacts is the discussion forum, which works as a catalyzer element of the communication between involved ones and can be an important tool in the educational process. Nevertheless, non-structured nature of text messages on a forum hampers its use as a tool in individual student assessment. Analysis and qualification of message contents stored on a forum represents an important challenge for instructors. The absence of a formal representation of concepts, ideas and beliefs from students could be designated as one of the factors that make this challenge even harder. This research proposes the development of a model that allows the messages on a forum can be structured and represented. This structuration considers three message aspects: i) presented concepts, ii) who has presented it, and iii) when concepts have been presented. As a means to validate this model, a computer program was developed and tested in a Moodle virtual environment forum. The concepts developed to the Structuration and Representation of the Forum Messages Model were used on this computer program development. Through the use of this model a map or guide is generated. This map or guide can be accessed by the professor or instructor. This new feature can be used as a support tool to analysis or evaluation of a Moodle forum environment.

The topic of the present dissertation is argumentation in the late statesman Olof Palme (1927-1986). One may reasonably think that the fascination for Palme is mainly due to his way of expressing his policy, and therefore also to his argumentation strategy. The theoretical background consists of Lloyd F. Bitzers’s theory on the rhetorical situation, Stephen E. Toulmin’s theory on the description of argumentation structures and on the notion of fallacy, as it appears in pragma-dialectics and informal logic. The rhetorical situation is used to identify vital presuppositions and conditions surrounding the analysed argumentation.Toulmin’s theoretical model is used to analyse structures in the argumentation, and the notion of fallacy is used to discover infringements upon these structures. The object of this analysis is the decisive electoral debates of autumn 1976 between Olof Palme and Thorbjörn Fälldin, held in Scandinavium, Gothenburg, Sweden. Palme had to think of a number of surrounding conditions, such as that the debate was decisive, the composition of the audience. Palme and Fälldin otherwise appeared to be rather equally equipped for the debate. Palme’s task was primarily to gain the number of votes needed to continue to keep social democracy in power. There seem to exist several levels making up his argumentation, grouped under attack and defence. Defence is in most cases based upon a strong connection with the social democrat tradition. The attack is more complicated, linked to Palme’s overall argumentative intention: to depict the non-socialists as a bad governing alternative, and the social democrats as a better one. Fallacies are regarded as instances of breaking the frame of rules that govern a critical discussion. Palme has several fallacy-like features in his argumentation. Among those, most common, are that he attacks the person Thorbjörn Fälldin, instead of the policy or party that he represents. Palme also starts from presupposed premises and tries to link the economic policy of the alliance to an intellectually-thought delimiting between liberal and conservative capitalism and social-democrat solidarity. He strives to portray the liberals and conservatives as money-orientated, whereas social democracy is depicted as people-orientated.Palme goes arguably too far at several moments during the debate,which possibly hurts his own argumentation. / Innehåller en 20-sidig utskrift från radions P1 från duellen mellan Palme och Fälldin i Göteborg den 1 sept 1976.

Le dernier tiers du XIXème siècle ne constitue pas un moment pamphlétaire parmi d’autres. Non seulement il survient dans une période de démocratisation inédite qui confère au fait pamphlétaire un statut nouveau en lui permettant d’investir l’espace public officiel, mais il est aussi marqué par l’invention de la figure du pamphlétaire et l’émergence de personnalités reconnues comme telles et accédant parfois à une visibilité de premier plan. En dépit de leurs différences de cultures politiques, ces personnalités contribuent à organiser tout un jeu et tout un monde du pamphlet au croisement de la littérature, du journalisme et de la politique. A travers leur violent répertoire discursif, elles contestent l’ordre politique en cours d’édification et le procès de civilisation des mœurs politiques.Partant de l’hypothèse que ces pamphlétaires ont pu être des médiateurs importants du politique, notre recherche a pour objet d’interroger leur contribution aux processus de politisation. Elle entend examiner, dans une perspective socio-historique, dans quelle mesure ils ont pu représenter, dans cette période d’enracinement de la République et de stabilisation de la démocratie, un cheminement de la politique hors des sentiers battus, en favorisant une forme symbolique de participation non conventionnelle au jeu politique et en incarnant une forme transitoire de la rationalisation des passions politiques, entre l’émeute révolutionnaire et la patience démocratique. / The last third of the 19th century was not just any pamphleteering time amongst others. It occurred in a formerly unheard-of period of democratization, which conferred the pamphleteering reality a new status, thus enabling it to carve its way into the official public space. Besides, it was also marked by the invention of the pamphleteer's figure and the emergence of personalities acknowledged as such, some of whom boasting first rate visibility. For all their differing political cultures, these figures helped organize a whole set and world of the pamphlet, at the intersection of literature, journalism and politics. Through their violent discursive repertoire, these pamphleteers question the political order that was then being elaborated, as well as the then on-going process of civilization of political mores.Our research thus aims to examine pamphleteers' contribution to the process of politicization, on the assumption that these could be said to have acted as important mediators of politics. Our work is intended to grasp, within a socio-historical perspective, to what extent – during that period when the Republic was getting increasingly entrenched and democracy more stable – pamphleteers might be said to have represented an evolution of politics off the beaten path, thus favoring a symbolic form of unconventional participation in politics and ultimately embodying a transitional form of rationalization as regards political passions, hovering between revolutionary riots and democratic patience.

Uppsatsens syfte är att söka förklaring till varför den svenska regeringen valde att inte erkänna folkmordet på armenier/Seyfo samt undersöka på vilket sätt politiker använder sig av historia när de ska ta beslut i frågor som dels skett i en annan tid och som dels är obekväma att hantera. För att få svar på denna fråga har en kvalitativ metod använts. Argumentationsanalys samt kritisk diskursanalys har använts för att tolka de politiska argumentationerna och nyckelorden i den politiska debatten. Den utredning som regeringen beställde som underlag för sitt beslut har varit ett viktigt undersökningsmaterial. Vidare har intervjuer använts för att få en ökad förståelse av undersökningen. Syftet med uppsatsen har uppnåtts och förklaringen till varför den svenska regeringen valde att inte erkänna folkmordet på armenier/Seyfo är också en slutsats. Det fanns flera bakomliggande faktorer så som att inte stöta sig med en stor väljargrupp, inte riskera handelsrelationer dvs. ekonomiska intressen, dels flyktingfrågan mm. Dessa faktorer var dock inte de största utan den absolut största och även viktigaste orsaken var den som de inte tordes nämna. Denna faktor var att de var rädda för att ett erkännande skulle leda till påtryckningar och hot från Turkiet samt från olika intressenter i Sverige. / The purpose of the thesis is to seek an explanation as to why the Swedish government chose not to acknowledge the Armenian/Seyfo genocide and to investigate how politicians make use of history when making decisions on issues that have happened in another time and which are partly uncomfortable to manage. A qualitative method has been used to answer this question. Argumentation analysis and critical discourse analysis have been used to interpret the political arguments and keywords in the political debate. The investigation that the government ordered as a basis for its decision has been an important investigative material. Furthermore, interviews were used to gain a better understanding of the study. The purpose of the thesis has been achieved and the explanation as to why the Swedish government chose not to acknowledge the Armenian/Seyfo genocide is also a conclusion. There were several different underlying factors such as not clashing with a larger voter group, not risking trade relations i.e. financial interests, partly the refugee issue, etc. However, these factors were not the greatest, but the absolute greatest and also the most important reason was the one they did not dare mention. This factor was that they were afraid that recognition would lead to pressure and threats from Turkey as well as from various stakeholders in Sweden.