Au cours des quinze dernières années, les professionnels des ressources humaines ont été de plus en plus mobilisés dans la gestion des questions de santé et sécurité au travail (notamment pénibilité, risques psychosociaux, handicap). Toutefois, les problèmes de santé et sécurité au travail (SST) sont complexes et les professionnels des ressources humaines peuvent éprouver des difficultés à les mettre en congruence avec toutes les missions attenantes à leur fonction. Dans cette thèse, nous proposons de regarder les professionnels RH comme des travailleurs à part entière et d’analyser leur activité de gestion des enjeux de SST dans une approche ergonomique. Notre objectif est d’identifier les déterminants qui génèrent de l’empêchement dans leur activité ou qui permettent de développer leurs marges de manœuvre. Notre analyse se base sur une intervention-recherche de quatre ans dans un groupe de l’industrie chimique. Dans le cadre de cette intervention, nous avons accompagné des professionnels RH, en particulier dans le déploiement d’un accord paritaire sur la prévention de la pénibilité du travail. Nous sommes ainsi parvenu à assembler de nombreuses données sur l’activité des professionnels RH dans le cadre de notre accompagnement. Parallèlement, nous avons également mis en œuvre diverses méthodologies de collecte de données (entretien, chronique d’activité, recueil de courriels). Les résultats de notre analyse mettent en lumière plusieurs sources d’empêchement dans le travail de prévention des professionnels RH : balkanisation de la fonction RH, déficit de régulation conjointe entre leurs prescripteurs, manque de légitimité, hypertrophie des relations sociales, manque d’espaces de débat sur leur travail. Mais nos résultats mettent aussi en évidence la capacité des professionnels RH à développer leur pouvoir d’agir. Ce développement passe en particulier par la construction de collectifs de travail et la réalisation d’activités collectives, au sein de la fonction RH et avec d’autres fonctions clés de l’entreprise. Enfin, notre analyse montre que les ergonomes peuvent être des contributeurs essentiels au développement du pouvoir d’agir des professionnels RH, en participant notamment à l'élaboration d'objets-frontières et d'objets transactionnels utiles aux échanges avec d’autres fonctions de l’entreprise. / Over the past fifteen years, human resource professionals have increasingly been involved in the management of occupational health and safety issues (especially arduousness of the work, psychosocial risks, disability at work).However, occupational health and safety (OHS) issues are complex and human resource professionals may find it difficult to match them with all the missions attached to their function.In this thesis, we propose to look at HR professionals as full part workers and to analyze their OHS management activity in an ergonomic approach. Our objective is to identify the determinants that generate impediments in their activity or that allow them to develop their leeway.Our analysis is based on a four-year research-intervention in a chemical industry group. As part of this intervention, we have assisted HR professionals, particularly in the implementation of a joint agreement on the prevention of the arduousness of the work. Thereby, we manage to assemble a significant amount of data regarding the activity of HR professionals in the context of our support. In addition, we have also implemented various data collection methodologies (interview, activity chronicle, e-mail mining).The results of our analysis highlight several sources of impediments in the prevention work of HR professionals: balkanization of the HR function, deficiency of joint regulation among their prescribers, lack of legitimacy, hypertrophy of social relations, void of spaces for work debate.However, our results also highlight the ability of HR professionals to develop their power to act. This development involves the construction of work collectives and the realization of collective activities, within the HR function and with other company stakeholders.Finally, our analysis shows that ergonomists can be essential contributors to the development of the power to act of HR professionals, especially by participating in the creation of border objects and transactional objects useful for exchanges with other functions of the company.

This essay focuses on analyzing the rhetoric concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in opinion pieces in the Swedish daily newspaper Dagens Nyheter in 1988. This is done using a qualitative analysis method. The theoretical basis for the essay is primarily founded on postcolonial theory and in particular on Edward Said’s claim that Israel is a new example of European colonialism. The aim is to determine how the authors of the opinion pieces, using certain rhetoric, portray Israel and the Palestinians/PLO in relation to their position of power. The justification and condemnation of violence between the parties will also be examined. The results show that the pro-Israeli authors tend to use the Jews’ history of persecution and suffering as a justification for the existence of Israel. Also, they argue that Israeli violence is a form of self-defense as a result of Arab intransigence and violence. The more pro-Palestinian authors tend to portray Israel as a violent and oppressing regime, and in some cases adhere to the view on the state as an example of European colonialism.

How is research and science being used in political debate? An idea analysis of the debate about försäkringsmedicinskt beslutsstöd (decision tool in healthcare security) This is a case study on different types of research use (utilization) The aim of this paper is to examine how the politicians make use of expertise and research in the parliamentary debate surrounding the decision tool in healthcare security (försäkringsmedicinskt beslutsstöd). The aim is also to find out to what extent different types of research use are present in this debate. In this case study the qualitative method of idea analysis is being used on the empirical material. The tool of analysis is based upon the theories of research use by Amara et al. (building on Beyer) and Carol Weiss. My conclusion is that the most common type of research use in this debate is the symbolic, followed by the conceptual type. The instrumental type of research use is the least frequent one in this debate.

La presente ricerca indaga il dibattito sociale, culturale e politico che ha anticipato la legge n. 66 Norme penali contro la violenza sessuale, licenziata dal Parlamento italiano nel febbraio 1996 e che, a quasi settant’anni dall’entrata in vigore del Codice penale Rocco, modificò la normativa vigente in materia di reati sessuali. Quel risultato arrivò a conclusione di un dibattito ventennale che visse due fasi principali: la prima coincise con il decennio degli anni Settanta ed ebbe come protagonista il movimento femminista, la seconda prese avvio all’inizio degli anni Ottanta e spostò il baricentro della discussione all’interno delle aule parlamentari. Nel lavoro di analisi proposto sono state seguite tre direttrici principali. Innanzitutto si è indagato il ruolo giocato dal movimento femminista nell’accendere i riflettori sul tema dello stupro e nel rompere il muro di silenzio che lo aveva relegato a questione privata. In secondo luogo si è tentato di fotografare il fermento sociale e culturale che accompagnò l’iniziativa femminista contribuendo a diffondere nella società civile italiana una nuova consapevolezza sul tema della violenza e degli abusi sessuali. L’attenzione si è infine soffermata sulla pluralità di approcci, punti di vista ed interpretazioni che animarono il dibattito parlamentare sulla riforma in materia di reati sessuali con l’intento di portare alla luce le ragioni più o meno nascoste che per cinque legislature impedirono alle forze politiche di approdare ad una soluzione condivisa. / This research aims to investigate the social, cultural and political debate that has anticipated law no. 66 Norme penali contro la violenza sessuale, dismissed by the Italian Parliament in February 1996. That result amended the current law in sex offenses and it was the final step of a twenty-year debate during which the Italian feminist movement played a crucial role. This research has three principle objectives. Firstly, it investigates the role played by the Italian feminist movement in bringing to light the subject of rape and breaking the wall of silence that had relegated it to a private sphere. Secondly, it aims to photograph the social and cultural turmoil raised by the feminist initiative which spread a new awareness about violence and sexual abuses in the Italian civil society. Thirdly, the research analyses the plurality of opinions and points of view that animated the parliamentary debate and prevented political forces from reaching a shared approach on the reform of criminal sex offenses.

Trigger warnings as a concept is mainly a tool to make students aware of potentially triggering content in literature and has its origin in internet adaptions of psychological theories of posttraumatic stress disorder. The aim of this essay was to describe and analyse the argumentation in the public debate over trigger warnings in Sweden and to illustrate the fundamental questions relating to education that is highlighted by it. This was done through argumentation analysis and with theories of liberalism and identity politics as poles of a dimension of justice, illustrated by two different perspectives on disability pedagogy. The material chosen consisted of nine articles, radio programs and televised debates. The results show a clear tendency for advocates of trigger warnings to lean towards identity politics and a critical perspective on disability pedagogy in their argumentation, while the critics firmly represented a liberal, universalist perspective along with a compensatory perspective on disability pedagogy in theirs. Three fundamental questions arose in the debate: first, safety in the realm of education, meant as void of feelings of being offended, was viewed as essential by the authors who were pro trigger warnings and as a threat to the sole purpose of education by those who were against it. Second, the importance of a diagnosis for disability pedagogy, where those against stressed the importance of a diagnosis, the lack of which in combination with a request for a trigger warning was viewed as being easily offended. Advocates on the other hand were uninterested in diagnoses. Finally, the relation between free speech and democratic values in the educational system and in the society as a whole, where those authors favouring trigger warnings tended to view free speech as less fundamental than those opposed, who instead saw trigger warnings as a threat.

The essay’s main focus has been to investigate and analyze the political actions behind the 2015’s grade compromise; an agreement to introduce grades from the fourth year in primary school. Through a game-theory analysis, mainly based in Leif Lewin’s and Jörgen Herman's research on rationality in politics, this study examined the grade debate  during a fifteen year period. The primary task has thereby been to explain the grade compromise through game-theory. According to the study carried out it is possible to conclude that the conservative parties mainly used strategies as smart rhetorical actions and condemnation of the socialist school policies in order to achieve their goals. They also strategically tried to persuade the opposition to favor their policy. Finally, by postponing the decision process, concerning the grades from grade six, they could promote the election campaign in 2010 and maintain high influence in the government. The red and green parties had for a long time been having differing opinions regarding school policies and education, however, they started cooperating in order to promote their respective preferences. The strategies used were mainly small deviations from their own opinions to make the various outcomes more advantageous. After defeat they strategically embraced the new policy and made it their own to stay strong. The conservative alliance saw the compromise as a strategic way to implement their own policy without relying on the red/green governments execution. The red and green parties also benefited from the compromise. They did not have to discard and abandon their preferences, instead they could prevent the proposal from becoming another legislative change.

Avhandlingen handlar om hur bedömningssystemet i bred bemärkelse presenterades i betygsdebatten i samband de politiska besluten om betygssystemet för gymnasiet mellan 1960 och 1995. Avhandlingen tar sin utgångspunkt i de berättelser som konstruerades under perioden. Syftet är att spåra och tolka förändringar i berättelserna om bedömning i anslutning till det politiska projektet att demokratisera och individualisera skolsystemet. Fokus är särskilt riktat mot de bedömningstekniker och innebörder för relationen mellan stat, lärare och elever som aktualiserades i samband med de två gymnasiereformerna. Härigenom synliggörs en viktig definitionskamp om statens förhållande till individen - lärare och elever - och hur makten i den nya enhetliga och demokratiska gymnasieskolan skulle förstås och organiseras. Avhandlingen pekar också på hur berättelser konkurrerar och hur en berättelse kan ges olika innebörder i förhållande till det politiska projektet att skapa en skola som tar till vara elevernas demokratiska möjligheter och lika villkor. / This thesis explores how the system of examination, in broad terms, was presented in the debate about grading around the political decisions regarding the upper secondary school between 1960 and 1995. The point of departure is the narratives that were constructed during the time period. The main objective is to trace and interpret changes in the narratives of evaluation as a part of the political project of democratization and individualization of the school system. Special attention is given to the different grading techniques and implications for the relation between State, teacher and pupil that surfaced in and around the school reforms in 1964 and 1994. This also sheds significant light on the meaning constructions and struggle around the State’s relation to the individual - teachers and pupils - and how power was to be viewed and organized in the new homogenous and democratic school. The thesis also shows the rivalry of narratives and how a narrative can be given various meanings in relation to the political project of creating a school that advocates the democratic opportunities and equal rights of pupils.

The well-known outcome of the 1988 federal election – a Conservative Party majority in Parliament and an effective “yes” to the question of whether or not the Free Trade Agreement between Canada and the United States was desired – tends to obscure the importance of the process by which a large non-party based opposition movement sought to cultivate and organize the public’s understanding of the election’s central premise. While the opposition movement failed to have Prime Minister Brian Mulroney removed from power, the discursive process that the movement both created and was the driving force behind, is key to understanding the historical context of the debate over free trade itself. This thesis will illustrate that there existed a discursive process amongst the efforts of the anti-free trade movement from 1985-1988 to cultivate, organize, and mobilize public opposition to Mulroney’s neo-liberal economic policies, through re-framing those objections into a larger and more deeply-rooted Canadian historical narrative. A discourse analysis was conducted using the various public education materials produced by major anti-free trade civil society organizations in Canada. The examination of that discourse revealed three major stages in the overall process: First, organizations relied heavily on classic paradigms of an anti-continentalist narrative to reinforce what was different between the two countries creating an us and them paradigm and building a case for Canadian exceptionalism. Second, there was an intensification of the us and them language into a more defined us versus them, or them against us, dichotomy. Third, the anti-free trade movement sought to effectively translate the previously established civic opposition into pragmatic political action in preparation for a national election campaign. The results show that there was an evolution in the ways members of the civil society opposition framed and evolved their arguments in order to turn their “issues” into more of a “crisis.” By employing (and expanding on) discursive tools used within that public narrative to generate fear of the other to validate illusions of self, and to construct believable threats to the collective, the more “micro” discussion over the growing pervasiveness of neo-liberalism took on a hyper-nationalistic and symbolic routine, one that mirrored the iconic political and electoral debates in 1891 and 1911, both of which had also been based upon the potential for free trade with the United States. Most of all, the evidence points to a popular opposition movement against free trade, which not only significantly pre-dated the official political opposition, but in some respects created its message and focus.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:25:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 pre_textual.pdf: 193980 bytes, checksum: 07d2f435ff154911b08693b65886e5aa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-20 / This dissertation analyzes the nominal expression used in the textual and discursive construction of the point of view in argumentative context, specifically in initial petition and plea (answer) genres in consensual marriage legal action. Although they are genres known as argumentative, they hold in its structure narrative sequences from which we can observe different voices that it establishes when we argue narrating in a conflict situation or discursive clash in juridical domain. Thus a hypothesis entertained here is that these genres are different when a person arguments narrating from the literary and journalistic domain, for example, from a dialogic approach of the text/discourse and based on the assumption that all discourse has several voices and consequently points of view, we understand that nominal expressions are extremely important (they play an important role) to the argumentation in these genres. In other words, we understand that this resort contributes to the establishment of enunciative positions and to the subjectivity expression in a clash dialogal-argumentative context. Seen in these terms, it is important to analyze the relation among enunciators in a discourse, like: how the lawyers as a locutor/enunciator, as the main enunciator, manages the points of view in a discourse and contributes to putting a perspective of the objects of discourse (facts and characters). So, it is important to investigate how this narratorial instance mobilizes the nominal expressions to assume a point of view responsible for the argumentative orientation of a text. In these different voices ( a game of voices ), the locator/enunciator coenunciates with his client, and the other person (the opponent) is a subenunciator. The corpus of this research will be an initial petition and plea (answer) in consensual marriage legal action - both documents are from 2012 and they belong to the 4ª Vara da Família e Registro Civil da Comarca da Capital, Estado de Pernambuco. The results found in this research confirmed Rabatel s theory: in argumentative contexto, the prevalente point of view is the affirmed point of view. / Esta dissertação analisa as expressões nominais utilizadas na construção textual-discursiva do ponto de vista em contexto argumentativo, especificamente, nos gêneros petição inicial e contestação em ações de união estável. Apesar de serem gêneros argumentativos, comportam, em sua estrutura, sequências narrativas a partir das quais podemos averiguar o jogo de vozes estabelecido, ao se argumentar narrando em situação de conflito ou de embate discursivo no domínio jurídico. Daí a nossa hipótese de que tais gêneros se diferenciam quanto à forma de argumentar narrando em relação a gêneros dos domínios literário e jornalístico, por exemplo. Com base na abordagem dialógica do texto/discurso e no pressuposto de que todo discurso é povoado de diversas vozes consequentemente, de pontos de vista , entendemos que as expressões nominais desempenham expressivo papel para a argumentação nos referidos gêneros. Em outras palavras, esse recurso contribui para o estabelecimento de posições enunciativas e para a expressão da subjetividade em contexto argumentativo-dialogal de embate. Assim, importa analisar a relação entre os enunciadores no discurso, a saber: como o locutor/enunciador advogado (enunciador principal) gerencia os pontos de vista no discurso e perspectiva os objetos de discurso (fatos e personagens). Isso implica investigar como tal instância narradora mobiliza as expressões nominais para assumir um ponto de vista responsável pela orientação argumentativa do texto. No jogo de vozes, o locutor/enunciador coenuncia com seu cliente, enquanto o outro (adversário) é um subenunciador. Quanto ao corpus da pesquisa, constitui-se de uma petição inicial e da respectiva contestação em ações de união estável documentos do ano de 2012 e pertencentes à 4ª Vara da Família e Registro Civil da Comarca da Capital, Estado de Pernambuco. Os resultados encontrados confirmaram a teoria de Rabatel: em texto argumentativo, o ponto de vista predominante é o afirmado.

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