近來公共行政學術與實務朝向多元的發展與範圍的擴大，就前者而言，學術上的多元雖引起學科認同危機的疑慮，卻開啟了學派與科際交流的大門，為行政學術注入活水，也為理性論辯提供制度性的基礎；就後者而言，在有效治理與解決社會問題的要求下，政府必需尋求非政府部門組織與行動者的合作以共同承擔公共責任。另方面，在經過行為主義的浪潮後，社會科學界再度對「制度」（institutions）在人類社會中所扮演的角色重新審視，這主要表現在「制度」界定並影響社會互動的過程及結果。這股研究風潮在「新制度理論」（new institution）的名稱下並無一體系性的研究立場與策略，但都分享了對制度研究的高度興趣的共識，值此時刻，上述公共行政學術與實務的趨勢，提供了新制度理論引介的契機。基此，本論文乃針對新制度理論內涵作一引介，並提出一多元制度分析架構以為個案分析用。第一章部分：提出本文之研究架構與方法，並對多元分歧的〞制度〞定義作一說明與界定，此外，針對現行農田水利會的性格與特質作一簡述。第二章部分：在於對社會科學領域中新制度理論的發展作一歷史性的分析，分別探討其科際發展背景，並引用核心假設、主要論題、政策意涵與相關問題四個面向來對此思潮內部分歧的二大研究途徑：理性選擇途徑與社會文化途徑的差異作一比較，並進而探討二者是否有共量與對話的可能。第三章部分：有鑑於新制度理論內部的分歧，學者們曾提出不少理論模式以為整合，本文則分別從知識旨趣、理性概念與行動邏輯的概念探討提出另一研究途徑－－溝通理性途徑，加上前述二途徑而成為多元的制度分析架構。而在分析層次方面，在就制度論制度的前提下，根據其活動範圍大小、時間歷程、客觀強制力大小而區分為制度變遷、制度改革與制度設計三層次，彼此以鑲鍖的方式存在而具有內在連繫性。第四章部分：本章依多元制度分析架構對塯公農田水利會作一個案分析，從灌溉系統的問題本質、系絡特性、與實際運作規則對其制度的源起、發展維持、轉型替代作一說明。而在農田水利會制度改革過程中，相關行動者彼此的策略性結盟、隱喻使用及論証的提出等各項行動，不僅有其自利的動機，更有其象徵意義。最後分別由交易成本、社會文化與溝通對話面向，對於改革過程中所提出的改制案、現行案及水利聯盟案作一比較分析，而塯公水利會的組織特色又適合何種制度架構亦有必要探討。第五章部分：在於對新制度理論目前發展作一評估，探討其在社會科學領域中〞進步的意義，及水利會的改革歷程所透露出的訊息為何？最後，則是對新制度理論未來研究方向提出一說明。

自民國89年起政府將農地政策明訂為「落實農地農用」之方向，為配合此一目標而建立「集村農舍制度」，農舍議題遂成為各方矚目之焦點。由於農舍興建與「農地利用」、「農村景觀」與「農民生活」等議題關係密切，且實際的集村農舍制度規則與執行因涉及制度參與者互動情形，而影響制度執行與最後目標之實現。惟既有的集村農舍研究多以個別觀點，從管制與被管制者的政策、法律保留原則或住宅管制等面向切入，就制度實際運作情形甚少著墨，對於整體制度問 題亦無深入探討，而研究結果多僅表示贊同或反對意見，無法針對集村興建農舍制度獲得較完整的分析。爰此，本研究透過新制度經濟之觀點，探討集村興建農舍之主要制度理念、正式規則之制度環境、及主管農舍業務組織間制度安排問題，並以「新竹湖口」與「雲林斗六」兩個集村案例，進行案例分析與實地訪查，利用與相關承辦人員深度訪談等研究方法，檢驗目前制度之執行與其保護優良農地落實性。再者應用具動態性之制度變遷理論分析，探討我國加入WTO之調整與民國89年總統大選等重要政經因素對於集村農舍制度之影響。最後依據研究結論，對目前集村農舍制度問題提出對策與政策建議，希冀未來集村興建農舍之規則與執行更能落實保護優良農地之理念。本研究之主要結論與建議如下： 一、研究結論 （一） 集村農舍制度因加入WTO之調整與總統大選等政經因素影響，減弱保護優良農地之制度理念的落實性，呈現不合理的制度變遷趨勢。 （二） 規則欠缺農地利用面與引導農舍區位面之管制等制度環境問題，以及農地與農舍管理組織間業務重疊與職權模糊等制度安排問題，產生制度無效執行，甚至出現耗損優良農地資源之情形。 （三） 以「湖口」與「斗六」兩集村案例歸納其共同現象，目前集村興建農舍制度並未實質照顧農民，亦未能達到保護優良農地之制度目標，須加以研議調整。 二、政策建議 （一） 「落實制度理念」－降低建商介入炒作影響制度理念落實的可能、增加落實制度理念之依據、檢討「專案分割」對制度理念落實之影響。 （二） 「合理的制度環境」－使務農者成為制度主體、提升誘因機制之質量。 （三） 「有效的制度執行」－地方政府組成集村申請案審查小組、農地利用計畫報請農委會審查列管、加強地方審查人員對於集村制度理念之宣達與執行審查業務教育。 （四） 近程與中長程措施 1. 近程建議－明確釐清農舍之定位與推動「示範集村農舍」計畫 2. 中長程建議－調整制度方向為「以集村方式興建為主」 / Central government has defined the enforcement of farmland for agricultural use as the national farmland policy since 2000. In order to fit the objective of the policy, the central government adopts the institution of cluster farmhouse. The problems of farmhouse cause public attention because it raises other issues, such as ' utilization of farmland ', ' rural landscape ' and ' farmer's life. The enforcement of cluster farmhouse institution involves the interaction of the actors, which subsequently influence the realization of the ultimate goal. The existing studies on cluster farmhouse focus mainly on the viewpoints of the owners and regulators of farmland, the principal of law reservation or housing control. In contrast to existing studies, this study, based on the concept of Institutional Economics and deep interviews with the relevant officers who take charge of the cluster farmhouse, investigate the institutional environment; institutional arrangement and enforcement of cluster farmhouse. The political and economy factors that influence the institution will be explained. Finally, a prospective promise of improvement for cluster farmhouse will be provided. The main conclusions and policy suggestions are as follows: 1. The institutional change of cluster farmhouse is deeply influenced by the political economic factors such as to join WTO and to run presidential election which subsequently affects the implementation of the institution. 2. The institutional environment of cluster farmhouse which lacks the consideration of farmland use, location of farmhouses and its institutional arrangement results in its enforcement deviated from the original concept. 3. In essence, cluster farmhouse, from the two cases in this study, has not really looked after farmers. The institution also unable to reach its goal of protecting good farmland at present. 4. Policy recommendations: （1）To reduce the possibility for building traders becoming as a leading role in the process of cluster farmhouse . （2）To make the people who engage in farming become the subject of the institution, and enhance the quality of the incentive mechanism . （3） To promote the concept of cluster farmhouse more rigorously, and thoroughly educate people more on the regulation of enforcement and examination . （4）To clarify the role of farmhouse and to give an good example of cluster farmhouse, and then to modify the regulation for building the cluster farmhouse instead of individual farmhouse .

台灣民主轉型的成功除執政菁英的主動變革外，公民參與政治和支持改革亦有其重要性。有鑑於逐年下滑的投票率和工具性社團參與率，本研究主要從制度變遷與社會資本論點來進行探討，以縣市層次制度變項為自變項，三類型社會資本為中介變項，投票與競選活動參與為依變項，目的在了解於民主鞏固時期前後，社會資本的分佈狀況和影響社會資本、政治參與的因素，以提升民眾的社會和政治參與。中介變項與依變項資料來自1993年與2005年台灣社會變遷調查資料(TSCS)，自變項資料整合自臺灣地區社會意向調查、各縣市社福資訊與政大選研中心資料庫，主要採用多層次迴歸與邏輯迴歸分析模型來分析資料。 在社會資本分布變化上，結合式社會資本與工具性社參未有顯著改變，情感性社參則顯著增加。相較於情感性社團參與，工具性社團參與的比例較高，在兩個年代中，民眾參與工具性社團比例約在22%左右。在社團內異質性資源分佈上，不同社團的年齡異質性與性別異質性隨不同時期而有所變化。相對地，各類社團在成員的教育、收入與族群組成上反而較為穩定。由於在2005年，民眾教育與收入顯著較1993年為高，意謂著在民主鞏固時期，團體參與者可接觸的社團內異質性資源較多。 並非所有社會資本皆受外在制度所影響，研究結果顯示出國家制度較難影響立基於儒家文化的結合式社會資本。在民主鞏固時期前，縣市執政評價氛圍與生活扶助資源如理論所預期，可影響民眾的情感性社會參與，但其影響力似乎亦有減弱情形。一致性社福資源雖對工具性社團參與有跨期影響力，但卻產生資源排擠效果，而非是資源溢注效果。 政治態度論與社會資本論皆能部份說明為何民眾要參與兩類傳統政治活動，但相較於投票，參與競選活動屬於較耗費成本的參與行為，因此個體資源論較能解釋競選活動的參與。以多層次中介分析步驟檢視縣市制度變項對政治參與的作用後，證實了制度論的作用。在制度變項可能透過社會資本影響政治參與的三條中介路徑，僅一條路徑得到實證上支持。在2005年，縣市急難救助資源可透過工具性社團參與進而影響競選活動參與。 制度變遷的觀點能說明不同時期情感性社團參與和投票的變化。傳統文化價值觀的現代化改變了縣市執政評價氛圍對情感性社團參與的作用。隨著非正式制度環境的改變，情感性社團參與對競選活動參與的作用亦可能隨之改變。而隨著社會福利政策綱領的施行，人均生活扶助資源量的提升，則促進個人的投票行為。總言之，中央政府應注意自身的施政效能，並透過社福資源的適度分配，來促進民眾的社會參與與政治參與行為。 / The success of the transition to democracy in Taiwan should attribute not only to the active reform of the ruling party' cadre, but also to citizens’ participation and political support for the political reformer. In view of the gradual declining turnout rate and instrumental group participation rate, the study tends to describe the distribution of social capital, and explore the potential factors influencing social capital and political participation before and after democratic consolidation period. The paper’s framework from the perspective of institutional change and social capital treats institutional change as the independent variable, three kinds of social capital as the mediated variable, and voting and electoral campaign participation as dependent variables. The study mainly applies the multilevel linear regression and logistic regression model to analyze the mediated and dependent variables from the Taiwan Social Change Survey in 1993 and 2005, separately. As for independent variables, the data is integrated from the Social Image Survey, the social welfare report across counties, and online database of election study center in national Chengchi University. As far as the distribution of social capital is concerned, the results show that the distribution of bonding social capital and instrumental group participation do not have significant change between 1993 and 2005. Compared with participation in 1993, in 2005, the increase of this emotional group participation is apparent. In both year, the instrumental group participation rate is about 22% and is higher than the emotional group participation. In the distribution of diverse resources within groups, age diversity and sex diversity change a lot as the time went by. In contrast, education diversity, income diversity and ethnicity diversity stay stable between groups. In comparison with 1993, people in 2005 have higher education and income level, resulting in the increase of group members’ education and income level. It means that in the democratic consolidation period, it is probable for group participators to approach more diverse resources existing within groups . The effect of institutional variables on the three kinds of social capital is not as same as previous literatures report. Bonding social capital based on confucianism is difficult to be enhanced by the national institutions. Before the democratic consolidation, the effect of living assistance resources, and the atmosphere where people are satisfied with the central government performance which is consistent with theoretical prediction affects people’s participation in the emotional group. However, the effect seems to weaken gradually at the later period. Universal social welfare resources influence the instrumental group participation across different periods, but the negative effect belongs to the crowing out effect rather than the crawling back effect. Political attitudes theory and social capital theory both can partly account for why people participate in these two kinds of traditional political activities. Individual resources theory is suitable for explaining the participation of electoral campaign in that it takes people much more time and cost to engage in the electoral campaign participation than in voting. After examing the effect of institutional variables at the county-level on the political participation through the procedure of multilevel mediation analysis, the findings proven the argument of institution theory. Among the three potential mediation paths in which the institutional variables impact on the political participation through social capital, just one path is supported by the data. In 2005, emergent assistant resources can affect the electoral campaign through the instrumental group participation. The perspective of institutional change can explain the change of the emotional group participation and voting between 1993 and 2005. With the modernization of individual’s traditional attitudes, the county-level effect of evaluation of the central government on the participation in the emotional group is abated. It is probable that the effect of the emotional group participation on the electoral campaign participation differs according to the different environment of the informal institution The increase of living assistant resources per capita, because of the execution of the guiding principle of the social welfare policy, promote people’s voting significantly. In sum up, the attention should be paid by the central authority to strengthen the efficiency of the administration and distribute the social welfare resources appropriately based on the contemporary social condition, in order to improve people’s social participation and political participation.