本論文分成四大區塊，包含歐陽脩窮達有命的天命觀、節義昭著的君子意識、居正大一統的史觀及修本以勝佛的排佛思想。歐陽脩建構天命觀的步驟是「質疑天──致力學《易》──推之於天」，天也有不勝人力之時，人若能致力學《易》，則天命之理及人生的窮達禍福自可不動心。對於不知所以然的人事，歐陽脩採取「推之於天」的策略，將晦澀玄虛之事，「推」移給天。歐陽脩窮達有命的天命觀與先秦「窮達以時」中「遇不遇，天也」的論點相同，「遇」不「遇」乃「天」所決定，非人力所能為。人事即天命，修人事才是上達天命的起始，多關注本於人情、切於事實的人間世，遠比空談性理之學要崇高。歐陽脩的君子意識，顯現於內在的修持與外在的作為二個方面。君子的內在是一個中心有所守的世界，「德業兩全，讒謗自止」是其道德修為中所依循的原則。「明道」是歐陽脩追求的目標，「通經學古」則是歐陽脩淬勵思路的最佳路徑。節義昭著的君子意識讓歐陽脩有了與眾不同的作為：拔擢賢材不遺餘力，能面爭廷論；恪守寬簡之治的原則，濟時恤民。在居正一統的史觀這一方面，歐陽脩創出或以「德」或以「業」的彈性的史觀，處理朝代更迭所帶來的正統問題，「德」與「業」可以擇一而存，不必兩全，也無須涉及讒謗，當「德不足」之時，則以「論必據迹」的方式處理。在闢佛思想上，歐陽脩採取較溫和的對策──修其本以勝之，此對策之下，又以禮義為本，以浸漸之法成其化，作為推動的原則。而歐陽脩高懸三代之治，並不是要君臣完全複製，而是藉此激勵眾人，要向著真善美的境界邁進。歐陽脩的斥佛排老說，初始即帶有某種程度的寬容；至於晚年的傾心釋、老，實乃有迹可循。

本篇論文探討一貫道的天命觀，以寶光崇正道場為研究主體。首先，從歷史脈絡釐清天命觀在政治以及宗教場域中各自代表之意義；從政治天命到宗教天命，轉換之原因與脈絡。次論宗教天命所產生之末劫論背景，以及一貫道承襲此一歷史背景，其中的傳襲與改變，還有其基本教義與末劫思想跟天命的關係。 接著，探討一貫道的天命觀落於實踐面，論述天命實踐者-點傳師的愿力、資格與教育訓練，並與羅馬天主教的晉秩條件做了簡單的比較。最後，討論一貫道孫慧明師母開始之天命金線系譜傳承，如何認定天命金線承接之正統，以及後續多條天命金線系統所衍生的組織發展變化。

無論是東方或西方古代社會，宗教信仰與政治信仰二者的關係都是相輔相成的；尤以中國古代殷周時期，宗教與政治的信仰、權力、組織、制度更是合為一體。筆者的興趣與關注，正是周初宗教人文轉向的課題。周室承繼殷權的宗教文化傳統，從祭祀天神、地衹、鬼靈、祖宗等現象出發，透過一套象徵系統的詮釋方式，傳達出一種對宇宙、人事獨特的理解與信念。然而，夏、殷之例不遠，僅以祭祀、占卜等活動尚不足以「祈天永命」來確保國祚久安，故強調「敬德」的主體修養活動以彌補宗教活動的不足；周室遂以此信仰體系為背景，經由「敬」的自我省察工夫，把對超越界的崇敬與追尋，回返到主體對自我的覺知與省察，神秘的宗教性格遂轉化為「敬德」價值理性的生發，「敬德」與「服天命」或「受天命」之間自始產生了聯結，兩者形成了緊密的因果關係：前為因，後為果；這有效地說明天命屬意周室的正當性。此時，「天命有德→敬德保民→祈天永命」三者恰好結成牢固的繩索，「敬德」成了國祚久安的必要條件，開顯出全新的、倫理的、道德的人文面相。 　　周初宗教人文轉向的關鍵處就是，周公等人以人民根植在祭祀、占卜活動中對超越界的情感為基礎，把一貫的宗教情操巧妙地轉移至「德」價值本體上；在周公等人自覺意識的作用下，神人關係的宗教情操順利地轉化為道德情操，周初宗教精神自此一大躍進，展現了新的宗教精神，從而指點出它的道德與倫理向度；宗教理性與人文理性因而結合、消融，人文意義與價值自始受到重視與肯認。職是之故，筆者擬以周初「天命觀」與「敬德」價值理性二者互為辯證的關係為進路，從二者的形成、關連與作用面切入，分別描述周初宗教人文化的歷史進程，並就其統貫之理作一系統性的闡述。 / The relations between the religious and political beliefs are complementary either in the eastern or eastern society which beliefs, authorities, organization, systems were combined into a whole especially during the Ying-Chou period of the ancient China. The writer's interests and concerns are rightly focused on “the humanistic turn of the early Chou religion”. The Chou empire inherited the religious, cultural tradition from Ying authority, starting out from the phenomena of worshiping the heaven deity, earth deity, ghosts, ancestral spirits and expressed an unique understanding, belief for the cosmos and the living world through the interpretative way of a set of symbolic system. Whereas, that the examples of Shia, Ying authorities went just ahead made Chou empire realized that only relying on the worshiping, divining activities was insufficient to “appealing to the heaven for the eternal life of nation”; hence, they proclaimed further the subjective deed― “respecting virtue” ―for supplementing the deficiency of religious activities; given that, the Chou turned its outwardly respecting and searching for the transcendent back to the inwardly subjective awareness and introspection on self, grounded on the inherited belief system, by way of the introspective work “respecting” of self that resulted in the transformation from the mystic, religious characters into the arising of the value-ration of “respecting value”. Thus, there was connection between “respecting virtue” and “obeying the heaven's destiny”, “accepting the heaven's destiny”; the former the cause, the later the effect. The close causation occurred within them that effectively explained the legitimacy of the bestowed destiny from heaven on Chou. At this time, “the heaven bestowing destiny on those who have virtue→respecting virtue for the purpose of protecting people→appealing to the heaven for the eternal nation” these three nodes were rightly strung into a firm rope so that “respecting virtue” became the necessary condition of the eternal nation that discovered the wholly new, moral, ethical and humanistic aspects. 　　The key point of the humanistic turn of the early Chou religion was Chou-Kong and others, based on people's emotions rooted in the worshiping, divining activities for the transcendent, ingeniously turned people's inherited religious sentiments to the “virtue” itself. Under the function of Chou-Kong's self-consciousness, the religious sentiment of relations between gods and men smoothly transformed into the moral sentiment that made the religious spirit in the early Chou pushed a giant leap and opened a fully new religious spirit that directed to its moral and ethical dimensions. The religion-ration and humanity-ration were thus combined and melted; from this on, the humanistic meanings and values were acknowledged and regarded with esteem. On the grounded of that, the writer tries to make a systematic explication for its reason of unity by describing separately the historical process of the humanization of the early Chou religion from the aspects of formations, correlations and functions of both the view of “heaven's destiny” and the value-ration of “respecting virtue” among which the inter-dialectical relations used as an approach in this text.

本文擬以明代大禮議事件，作為研究嘉靖朝政治文化的切入點，試圖透過名分禮秩的角度去分析大禮議牽涉的「七爭」 、頒佈《明倫大典》 及國家禮制變革三方面，找出政治權力、儒家經典詮釋及國家禮制三者的關係，以瞭解嘉靖朝的政治文化有何變化。本文提出的問題如下： 一是嘉靖君臣如何透過經典再詮釋的方式，建構人情論的理論體系，說服士人接受「大禮議」的結果，而嘉靖君臣又如何逐步變易國家禮制，證明政權的正當性基礎，完成皇權重塑的目標。並且觀察後來隆慶朝至崇禎朝的歷朝皇帝如何處理睿宗獻皇帝的祧遷問題，回過頭來證明嘉靖皇帝是否成功地建立了自身世系的正當性。二是嘉靖君臣面臨公私衝突時將會如何抉擇，這些抉擇又會使嘉靖君臣關係與權力分配原則產生何種變化，從而觀察權力核心中的政治人物如何去界定自己在團體中的地位、擁有的職權範圍與政治結構中的既有限制。並且探討大禮議將如何影響嘉靖朝各種團體的人際關係、權力結構及政治生態，從而討論嘉靖皇帝如何能成功箝制士人對大禮議的不滿輿論，探討皇權伸入官僚體系的政治效應。三是大禮議的結果將使名分禮秩出現何種危機，而名分禮秩的危機又會使嘉靖朝造成何種政治效應。再從名分禮秩的意義去討論皇權究竟要作為包括廣大臣民在內的公共中心，還是作為保證皇帝個人私利的手段呢？一旦皇權的公共性質隱晦不明時，將對整個社會秩序造成什麼樣的後果。並且探索士人們如何依循政治權力、社會經濟與思想文化的變化，藉由儒家傳統經典再詮釋的方式，力圖讓名分禮秩回歸「合禮」的軌道，從而限制皇權的範圍，讓政治秩序與社會秩序回復合理的安排。