• Refine Query
  • Source
  • Publication year
  • to
  • Language
  • 2
  • 1
  • 1
  • Tagged with
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

報業組織溝通與競爭分析--以中國時報為例 / The organizational behavior and competitive analysis:case study of China Times

楊秀娟 Unknown Date (has links)
面臨嚴峻的商業競爭,報業老闆對新聞事業的想像或認知,關乎競爭策略的擬定,競爭策略是否能獲得新聞記者的認同,是報業組織溝通的重要課題,它不但牽涉到報紙生產商品、新聞的內涵,也影響組織整體戰力或競爭力的發揮。 本論文以2008年易主後的《中國時報》為個案研究,探討報紙的組織溝通與其競爭力間的關連。雖說是關連性的分析,但本文未採量化分析,而是著重如何「理解」組織上下層溝通與其競爭力之間的關係。 本文採用拉克勞(Laclau & Mouffe)的論述理論(Discourse Theory)架構來觀察組織上下層的溝通行為。溝通是一種語言符號的串連與建構,新聞事業具雙重特質,每日生產的新聞不但與文化、政治領域息息相關,同時也是典型的消費商品。作為一個商業組織,報紙每日面對生存競爭論述,新經營者亟思競爭優勢之建立,另一方面記者這一行也有其歷史形構的新聞專業論述,當這些論述與新的領導者蔡衍明先生相遇,會產生何種溝通樣貌? 研究發現蔡衍明先生因米果事業在中國發跡致富,報紙對他而言是個全新的事業體。他對新聞的認知或想像,與上述的新聞專業論述有不小差距,這些差距在組織溝通上產生不少衝撞,致使組織的穩定度不佳,競爭力發揮有限。 如果說組織是一個語言符號的結構體,那麼新中國時報的組織體仍處於一種不完整的、有缺口的半結構狀態,從論述理論的架構而言,就是上下層的組織溝通過程中,始終未產生一強而有力的主導論述,以縫合這缺口。本研究之結論顯示當組織內的論述仍處於衝撞不穩定狀態時,其產出之商品難以建立差異化特色,競爭優勢亦難以建立。 / This thesis presents a theoretical model to address the communication behavior and competitive strategy issues in the newspaper industry, where technological changes have greatly increased the scope of competition. Newspaper companies are being confronted with market changes that are destablising successful mature markets, undermining long-term relationships with readers and advertisers, and threatening the sustainability of their business models. The pace of these changes is extraordinary, forcing managers, shareholders, and employees to scramble to comprehend the changes, to develop strategic responses, and to reorganize their activities. The thesis starts with the case of China Times Daily, which used to be one of the biggest newspapers in Taiwan but sold, in the end of 2008, to a successful businessman of rice cracker, Tsai Eng-Meng. Tsai Eng-Meng, now 53, runs the biggest snack empire in China. Want Want China is now unrivaled in the country’s rice cracker market. It’s not unusual for powerful businesspeople looking to ensure a public outlet for their views to invest in the media. The question is how Tsai Eng-Meng, as the latest entrant into the media market, can manage the newspaper as successful as his cracker business. In divided Taiwan, where pro-China and anti-China groups can’t agree on much, Tsai’s purchase of the China Times sparked worries about free speech in the society and inside China Times as well. Tsai Eng-Meng does not have an experience or knowledge base of how to operate the press. The employees he needs to communicate with or he needs to “understand” mostly are the reporters with expertise in news industry. They highly praise the values of free speech and impartial reports. These values can be regarded as the most important discourse evolving from the press history. With the analytical framework of Laclau and Mouffe’s Discourse Theory, the communication between Tsai Eng-Meng and the reporters is not smooth. Some events occurring in the first year of Tsai’s management reveals that the confrontation between Tsai and the news department is so harsh that even diminishes competitive advantages of the company. Since the communication behavior in China Times remains unstable, there is not possible to bring a dominant discourse in the organization, which will lead to a bad performance in ways of public opinion and the circulation.
2

佛瑞爾斯《美麗壞東西》中的監控、人權,與聯合策略 / Surveillance, Human Rights, and Solidarity in Stephen Frears’s Dirty Pretty Things

曾尹璽, Tseng,Yin Hsi Unknown Date (has links)
本篇論文企圖探討史蒂芬‧佛瑞爾斯 ( Stephen Frears ) 的電影《美麗壞東西》( Dirty Pretty Things ) 中的公民權與人權之議題。片中描述從奈及利亞非法入境的奧奎 (Okwe) 與來自土耳其申請政治庇護的桑娜 (Senay) 因其游移的身分,遭逢英國政府監控與資本主義社會剝削,並揭露倫敦城市中非法難民販賣器官以求生存的黑暗面。本篇論文著重分析政治庇護者的矛盾身分如何擾亂民族國家的監視、暴露僅以公民權利保障境內人民的缺失,並主張唯有透過跨種族、階級,與性別的聯合 ( solidarity ) 才能對抗國家機制裡的矛盾與全球資本主義的剝削。論文第二章以德希達 ( Jacques Derrida ) 的制約款待 ( conditional hospitality ),與傅柯 ( Michel Foucault ) 的監視 ( Panopticon ) 概念,探討片中監控 ( surveillance ) 機制的形成。第三章引進布斯克與夏弗 (Alison Brysk and Gershon Shafir ) 提出公民權 (citizenship) 與人權 ( human rights ) 的差距,來揭發片中政治庇護者與外籍勞工在地主國 ( host countries ) 因為缺乏公民權而導致人權被忽視的困境。第四章從傅柯 ( Michel Foucault ) 的反抗 ( resistance ) 與拉克勞 ( Ernesto Laclau ) 與穆芙 ( Chantal Mouffe ) 的激進多元民主 ( radical plural democracy ) 的概念,探討以跨種族、階級,與性別的聯合 ( solidarity ) 來對抗國家制度本身的裂縫與經濟全球化的無情剝削。最後總結在全球化時代,唯有檢視國家制度的缺失,並揚棄封閉排他的意識形態,才能體現種族與文化的差異與多元性,並促進跨界聯合之實現。 / This thesis aims to explore the issue of citizenship and human rights in Stephen Frears’s Dirty Pretty Things. Dirty Pretty Things describes the British government’s surveillance on asylum seekers, such as Okwe, an illegal refugee from Nigeria, and Senay, the Turkish asylum applicant, and unveils illegal refugees’ organ trade in exchange for passports in London. The thesis attempts to decipher how the ambivalent status of asylum seekers disturbs the surveillance of nation-states, exposes the defect of the citizenship gap and argues only through solidarity among different ethnicity, class and gender, could the subordinated fight against deficiencies in the mechanism of nation-states and exploitation of global capitalism. Through the perspectives of Derrida’s conditional hospitality and Foucault’s Panopticon, Chapter Two examines the surveillance of nation-states on asylum seekers in Dirty Pretty Things. In Chapter Three, I adopt Brysk and Shafir’s analysis to explore the citizenship gap between citizenship and human rights in the film, which reflects the difficulty in handling the cases of legal and illegal asylum seekers in nation-states on the basis of citizenship in the era of globalization. In Chapter Four, I will utilize the perceptive of Foucault’s resistance and Laclau and Mouffe’s radical plural democracy to suggest how counter strategies and solidarity could rebel against fissures in nation-states’ apparatuses and reveal a new possibility of alliance beyond borders in the era of globalization. The last chapter concludes by summing up the gaps in the system of nation-states and rejecting any enclosed ideology so as to articulate multiplicities and differences beyond limitations of ethnicity, class and gender across borders in the era of globalization.

Page generated in 0.0149 seconds