溫特森最新的實驗小說《魔力書》，以網際空間為喻，探討性自由與權力之間的關係；是一本因應千禧年而誕生的作品。故事中的主人翁阿里(Ali)，藉由答覆網上不知名的筆友，為讀者揭示女性主體及性慾自主的議題；作者巧妙地將自己擅長的詩意散文、新奇敘事體，融入哲學思維，與網際網路天馬行空的力量相結合。本論文旨在以宏觀哲學的角度分析女性各個不同時期的處境，並指出《魔力書》除了充溢智慧、想像、力量之外，是一本關切女性處境及主體的小說。 本論文以西蒙•波娃有關女性主體論述為主要理論架構。論文主體可分三部分。第一部分旨在分析權力關係的影響，並以書中網路外遇事件為例，彰顯出已婚女性受傳統意識型態箝制，失去性自主的契機。第二部分從敘事者的角度，以女性特有言說方式，持續探討女性情慾自主的議題。最後一部分處理敘事者不同形式的存在模式，並以宏觀角度分析，不同時期(神話、奇想、網際空間)女性主體的變化性。 對照四十年前的女性處境，處於科技時代的摩登女性仍然受制於傳統女性特質的制約，或是受到強勢意識型態所掌控。面對此情境，女性應藉由參與社會或政治活動，承擔起改變世界的責任，來確保個人主體性的完整；女性應對自我有更多的期許及要求。溫特森在《魔力書》中藉由答覆網路筆友的要求─「自由，給我一晚的自由」─其實真正探討的是確立女性主體性的重要概念。 / Winterson’s latest novel The PowerBook (2000) is an experimental work of fiction that uses the metaphor of cyberspace to portray the issue of sexual freedom and power, a book that greets the challenge of the new millennium in Winterson’s design. By answering to an unknown on-line correspondent’s need, the narrator and e-mail writer Ali explores the very issue on women’s subjectivity and the autonomy of femininity, adroitly connecting the power of the Internet (the imaginary and the virtual) with her poetic prose and inventive narrative in conjunction with philosophical significance. My thesis aims to start a complicated analysis of women’s different situations from a philosophical perspective. I think The PowerBook, invested with wisdom, imagination and power, is a book that concentrates on women’s situation and subjectivity. Simone de Beauvoir’s concept on women’s subjectivity constitutes the most important theoretical framework of my thesis. The main body of the thesis can be grouped into three parts. Firstly, I will probe the effect of power relations on a virtual forbidden love affair, manifesting that the married woman is manipulated by the patriarchal ideology so that she ultimately fails to fulfill her autonomy of femininity. Secondly, I will discuss, mainly in terms of a feminist discourse theory, the issue on the autonomy of femininity revealed in Ali’s narrative. Thirdly, the last section of the main body will not only deal with Ali’s various modes of existence, but also aim at exploring women’s selfhood in respect of myth, fantasy and cyberspace. By contrasting women’s situation at present with that almost forty years ago, I will show that modern women in the technological age are still either bound by the myth of femininity, or conditioned by dominant ideologies. Finally, I will conclude that modern women should not only act as independent subjects, but also demand more and expect more for themselves. By participating in social and political activities, they are able to take the responsibilities for improving the world. It can be interpreted that to answer to the correspondent’s need—“Freedom, just for one night”—is actually to examine the main subject on women’s existence in Winterson’s intention.

本研究以台灣《壹週刊》的影劇新聞為例，以批判論述分析法（Critical Discourse Analysis）的思考精神為啟發，從性別角色、發言權、新聞的語言特色等面向分析《壹週刊》文本。接下來，以明星、經紀人／宣傳的和小報記者的訪談，釐清台灣小報影劇新聞的產製方式，以及明星體系小報文化當中的運作過程，從中分析小報影劇新聞中誰掌握了發言權，明星和經紀人會使用哪些媒體策略來獲得正面助益。 　　本研究結果發現，小報媒體在全球不同文化間依循著類似的軌跡發展，從單元、圖片與題材編排的類似手法，將明星八卦、醜聞、性等細節無限制放大，透過主觀、嘲諷的口語敘事與大量圖片，讓讀者看到明星報導的幕後感與故事性。小報記者參與新聞製作時的立場是正向高度肯定的，因為小報調查式的新聞手法需要長時間籌畫、收集資料、蒐證，因此，記者認為小報才是為讀者揭發社會真相、真正敢言的媒體。另一方面，記者與明星的互動關係是多種權力交織而成的動態協商，多數時間記者掌握了報導發展的詮釋空間，但是，佔上風的角色會隨著藝人實力產生變動。操作過程中，經紀人為了徹底保護明星形象，將明星視為必須保護的文化商品，控制了明星對外發言的權力，也拉開了明星和媒體的距離。面對小報新聞可能造成的傷害，通常經紀人會預先設定立場、準備模板答案，來維護明星聲望在小報文化的侵入下能順利運作。 / Taken the entertainment news of Next Magazine as the example, the main research frame is inspired by Critical Discourse Analysis. The study analyzed the text of Next Magazine from the roles of gender, the voices and the linguistic characters of news to clarify the production logic of Taiwanese tabloid news. Next, from the interviews of entertainers, agents /publicists and tabloid journalists, the study tried to figure out how celebrity news production and Star system work within tabloid culture. Who take the initiative of speech and utilize what kind of strategy to manipulate media relations. The study found that, the tabloid media has developed along a similar path even in different cultures around the world. By using similar manners of the arrangement of units, images and subjects, the tabloids unlimitedly enlarge the details of the gossip, scandals and sex affairs of entertainers; additionally, a colloquial description in a subjective and mocking way and plenty of pictures are utilized to give readers a feel of behind-the-scene and narrative to the entertainers’ news. Nowadays, tabloid journalists hold a positive attitude toward the manner of digging out newsworthy materials, which requires a long time planning, information-gathering and evidence-collecting. On the other hand, the interaction between journalists and entertainers is a dynamic negotiation established by a variety of powers. What’s more, the agent may regard stars as a cultural goods, then control the power of speech of stars in order to completely protect the media image of stars. At the same time, agents block the normal communication between stars and media. To prevent the harm caused by tabloid, the agents might pre-set position and answer the template answer to maintain the reputation of stars.

三角關係的三個角色，在PTT的三個板，大老婆、第二者與第三者板，分別以自我為主體抒發心情故事，依據板規陳述自我或評價他人，現實中對三角關係的看法與解讀的權力角力，延伸到網路討論板裡的各自表述，形成若有似無的隔空對話，這種為對話的自我表述型態與權力的運作息息相關，是一種網路與現實交會所形成的特殊溝通型態：三個角色以遵循與抗拒倫理規範看待自我與他人，而宰制與抗拒是權力運作的一部分，倫理價值觀也是權力產物，板上的文章成為乘載訊息的語藝產物。 本研究結合權力語藝分析、對倫理價值觀宰制與抗拒，分析PTT三角關係的三個角色互相指涉的文章，試圖從中找出三個角色呈現的訊息與形象、權力策略，並了解網路中的情境脈絡如何影響三角關係的三個角色，以及如何與現實社會的倫理規範對話。 整個社會對三角關係有一套約定俗成的主流論述：男外向、女順從忍讓，第一者是受害者，不需負任何責任，第二者是背叛者，罔顧信任與責任，第三者是破壞者、壞女人。網路的匿名性使人願意分享更多在現實世界裡礙於社會規範而較少表達的各種自我告白與揭露；三個板因板規而拉起無形的界線，每個角色都是「主流」，不用擔心勢單力薄。傅柯的權力論述指出，倫理規範透過全景敞視主義使所有人同時成為監視者與被監視者。肖小穗的權力語藝分析方法：解讀權力訊息、分析權力語藝策略（選擇、內化與聯合策略）。 從分析中得知PTT大老婆板、第二者板、第三者板的三個角色各自站在不同立場、宣示不同權力，把對倫理規範的宰制與抗拒也做為策略的一部份，運用某些相同與不相同的策略，企圖獲取認同、抒發心情。三個角色以對倫理規範的宰制與抗拒呈現其訊息、營造形象，其中三個角色多以宰制態度描述自己並指責他人，鞏固立場。以選擇策略來看，三個板中的任何角色都以符合他們角色的定位選擇發聲角度，並延伸其觀點：第一者與第三者所選擇的發聲角度大部分都較被動，第二者則有較多自主性；內化策略，第一者強調現今社會的倫理觀點，第二者強調人有權追求自由，第二者與第三者皆試圖合理化三角關係形成原因；聯合策略，三個角色運用各種論述權力的搭配強化選擇與內化策略。三個角色大部分還是選擇以自己角色為主體的板發表文章，仍有少數到不屬於自己角色的板發文，挑戰以該角色為主體的主流氛圍。文章發表者以女性為主，可能因女性易抒發情感及感受到社會對女性的約束。 三個角色在新舊觀念接軌時，意識與潛意識仍無法擺脫傳統倫理價值觀的影響，實踐層次上，則由於外在條件改變而有新的態度與觀點。三個角色試圖與他人對話、取得認同或影響他人的同時，現實與網路世界都籠罩在權力的控制下，網路與現實也始終相連。

本研究之目的係探討國家賠償法於軍事機關之運作，從公務員執行職務行使公權力致生損害之國家賠償責任（即人的責任）與公有公共設施設置或管理欠缺致生損害之國家賠償責任（即物的責任）之兩大主軸討論，並比較日本裁判所之判決與我國對類似案件相關爭點判斷之異同，據以建構軍事機關國家賠償責任之類型，減少可能發生國家賠償責任之爭議。 全文共分為五章：第一章為緒論，說明本研究之動機與目的、研究範圍與限制、研究架構與方法。第二章為國家賠償制度概述，就國家賠償責任之定義及類型、適用之限制、國家賠償責任制度之發展過程、國家賠償責任之理論、公務員責任與國家賠償責任之關係予以討論，藉以確立國家賠償責任認定之法理基礎；並探討日本國家賠償責任成立之案件與我國國賠法制之異同處，藉以參酌我國同類案件之分析與比較。第三章研析闡述特別權力關係之起源、內涵、變遷等，探討公務員、學生、受刑人、軍人在此關係下基本權利之限制與保護。第四章為軍事機關與國家賠償之分析，以第二章國家賠償制度之法理為基礎，彙整相關法令規範，配合相關之法院國家賠償案例，檢討軍事機關公權力行為致生國賠責任之法理與探討軍事設施設置、軍事設施管理造成人民財產之侵害與救濟賠償之認定，並分析軍人撫卹與國家賠償競合之問題。第五章為結論與建議。本章分別就各章之內容總結，具以建立完整之軍事機關國家賠償責任體系，俾提供軍中處理國家賠償案件時之參考；另就研究發現予以歸納評析，並提出建議，例如建立軍事機關公權力行為之行政程序、確實督導軍事設施之設置管理程序，以減少軍中公權力行為之侵權情事，強化其保護照顧義務等等，希冀今後軍事機關對人及對物之管理，能符合依法行政原理之要求。 / This study aims at discussing the State Compensation Law in military authority from two perspectives, including the liability for damages arising from the act of employees of the government acting within the scope of their office (the liability of people), and from a defect in the installation or management of government-owned public facility (the liability of objects). A case study comparison was done between the court of Japan and Taiwan, where the verdicts from both courts were compared so as to construct a pattern for state’s liability in military compensation. We hope that in this way, controversy over state compensation liability could be controlled. The essay is divided into five chapters: the first is introduction, illustrating the motive and purpose, scope and limitation, and structure and method of this study. In chapter two, we will outline the state compensation system, with regard to its definition, classification, applicability, development, theory, and the relationship between the liability of state and public servants, in order to establish a jurisprudential foundation. Then, we will discuss the differences and similarities between the compensation claims in Japan and our country’s State Compensation Law, while analyzing similar cases in Taiwan. The origin, content, changes of special power relation will be examined in chapter three, where the limitation and protection of basic rights of public servants, students, prison inmates, and soldiers are discussed. In chapter four, we will use the jurisprudential foundation stated in chapter two to analyze the military authority and state compensation. By compiling relevant regulations and state compensation claims, we will do a judicial review on the state compensation claims as a result of military authority, the definition of compensation and damages arising from the installation or management of military facility, and the competition between military indemnity and state compensation. Chapter five will be conclusion and suggestion, containing appraisal of each chapter and constructing a system of complete state compensation liability in military authority, as a reference for future claims. In addition, important remarks and suggestion will be provided, such as to establish administrative procedure for military authority and management procedure of military facility. This is to prevent the violation of right from the military, and enhance their obligation to protect and attend, hoping the military could build the rule of law when managing objects and actions of people.

本研究旨在探討隨著臺灣的民主化進程，不同年代間的夫妻權力關係所受影響之因素與改變情形，尤其是社會情境（文化脈絡）方面的影響。擬採用家庭決策模式為指標，並根據資源論、交換論與與文化規範的論點，討論個人特質與其所握有的資源對家庭決策模式的影響。焦點包括臺灣的民主化進程會否導致夫妻間共同決定的比例增加？以及夫妻所擁有的資源對影響夫妻權力分配的影響程度，是否隨著臺灣的民主化進程而增加？ 研究者採用「華人家庭動態調查」資料庫中第一年計畫（RI-1999）與第五年計畫（RI-2003）兩筆資料當中有關「家庭決策與支出」的部分進行分析。研究結果發現不論何者皆是以夫妻共同決定的情況為主，隨著時間的變化並未有顯著的增加，甚至略為減少。另外，研究結果顯示隨著臺灣的民主化進程，夫妻所擁有的資源對影響夫妻權力分配的影響程度的確有所增加。根據研究的結果而知，隨著臺灣的民主化進程，教育的普及與兩性平權概念的提升，的確造成夫妻權力間的變化受到相對社經資源影響增加，反而使得共同決策的情形略減。此外，過去一些認為會影響夫妻權力關係的個人特質因素，像是族群的部分，所呈現的結果反而和過去的研究不一致。究竟民主化對於影響夫妻權力關係的其他因素將會帶來何種變化，可做為將來研究的方向。 / The purpose of this research is to understand the power relationship between husbands and wives, including the factors and the transition during 1999-2003 within the process of Taiwan’s democratization, especially the context of culture. Researcher adopts family decision-making as an important index. Base on the resources theory, the exchange theory and the theory of resources in culture context, the main questions of this research are: 1. Does the proportion of family decision-making change? 2. The situation that the more resources one has, the more power in making decision one has would increase. The results are as follows. The proportion of family decision-making does not change significantly, however, the situation that one has more resources would have more power in making decision does increase. Nevertheless, the research tells us that some personal characteristics like one’s ethnic group, do not have the same result as research in past. How will Taiwan’s democratization influence these factors, or change their nature in the process of decision-making? That could be a good research direction in the future.

本研究旨在探討不同年代夫妻權力關係之影響因素及改變情形。研究者採用家庭決策模式為指標，以「子女管教及教養」、「家用支出分配」、「購買高價家庭用品」作為重要的測量變項。根據資源論、交換論以及文化規範理論觀點，討論之焦點包括：1.夫妻資源是否影響夫妻權力關係之運作？2.兩性的性別角色態度是否影響夫妻權力關係之運作？並比較兩個年度之差異。 研究者利用「台灣地區社會變遷基本調查」第三期第二次家庭組（1996年）及第五期第二次（2006年）家庭組之研究問卷資料進行分析。研究結果發現： 1. 家庭決策模式之樣貌：三項家庭決策大多以「共同決定」為主要之模式。然在性別比例及兩個年度比例分配上仍有些微差異。 2. 資源差異對夫妻權力關係之影響：已婚兩性之資源差異對家庭決策有部份達到顯著。整體來說，擁有較高資源者，會有助於「決策權力」的增加。 3. 性別角色態度對夫妻權力關係之影響：分析檢定結果顯示性別角色態度對於家庭決策模式之作用獲得證實。性別角色態度較傳統者，家庭決策會傾向傳統父權之思維。反之，態度越現代者，家庭決策模式會傾向較平權之模式。 4. 1996年及2006年影響夫妻權力關係因素之轉變：夫妻資源之高低以及性別角色態度在兩個年度對家庭決策模式皆有重要的影響力。最大的差異在於2006年女性負責更多的子女管教及教養之決策權，特別反應在高等教育成程度者。在態度方面1996年已婚兩性之態度皆有其影響性，但2006年只有女性的態度對家庭決策模式有作用。 最後根據研究結論提出建議，研究者認為除了在鉅視層面持續耕耘兩性平權觀念推廣及宣導外，在職場上真正落實兩性工作平等法保障婦女就業實為重要。 / The purpose of this research is to understand the power relationship between husbands and wives, including the factors and the transition during 1996-2006. Researcher adopts family decision-making as an important index. “Children disciplining”, “family expenditure”, and “buying expensive house wares” are the measuring variables. Base on the Resources Theory, the Exchange Theory, and the Theory of Resources in Cultural Context, the main questions of this research are: 1. Do the resources between husbands and wives influence their power relationships? 2. Do the attitude of gender role effects the power relationships of husbands and wives? 3. Is there any transition from 1996 to 2006? The results are as follows.1.Most proportions in 3 items of family decision-making are the Common decision-making model. 2. The resources difference between married both sexes are significant to the family decision-making. The more resources one has, the more power in making decision one has. 3. The attitude of gender role effect the family decision-making. The sex role attitude is more traditional, the family decision-making will favor thought of the traditional patriarchy. Otherwise, the attitude is more modern, the family decision model will favor compares pattern of the equal rights. 4. Both the resources difference and the attitude of gender role are important factors in 1996 and 2006.Compair with 1996, the high level of education female have more power in “Children disciplining” decision-making, and female’s attitude of gender role are more important to family decision-making in 2006. According to the research conclusion, researcher puts forward the suggestions.

大法官在釋字382號解釋打破了學校與學生特別權力關係的存在。抑有進者，大法官更言明人民有「憲法上受教育的權利」存在。雖然本號解釋值得喝采，但似乎僅是曇花一現，諸如一連串的退學案例，實務見解仍普遍認為有關退學處分的規定乃屬大學自治事項，因此便將法治國原則的適用排除在外，大法官釋字563號解釋即認為有關大學生資格考規定，屬大學自治範疇並不需法律保留原則，此等見解似乎又向特別權力關係開了倒車。有別於此，本文認為大法官釋字382號解釋既然承認人民有憲法上受教育的權利存在，佐以國際社會對於「學習社會」及「終生學習」等理念的重視，即應探尋其具體依據 — 以憲法第二十二條 — 作為大學生學習權的憲法基礎。對斯項權利性質，應具有分享給付請求權的社會權性質。 既然肯定憲法第22條為大學生學習權保障的憲法基礎，即應據此勾勒出大學生在校園中學習權保障的具體圖像。 實體面的保障，以二一退學制度為例：當作為一權利主體的大學生受到作為國家公權力一環的大學剝奪其學習權時（如退學），即應有法律保留原則的適用，此係立基於國家（大學）與人民（學生）間的權力關係所導出 ; 另一個觀察角度乃將大學與大學生之關係，視為兩權利主體間基本權利衝突之關係，則此時大學所為之退學處分仍應受利益衡量原則之拘束。無論從「權力面」或「權利面」的角度來觀察，二一退學制度皆無法通過憲法上法律保留原則與比例原則之要求，是為一違憲制度。 程序面的保障，本文以學生懲戒制度、學生申訴之制度及學生自治與學生參與校務等相關命題作為探討對象。總的來講，各項制度之設計仍應以大學生憲法上學習權之誡命為依歸，並輔以落實法治國原則之要求，如此方不致使大學生之「在學關係」成為法治國的化外之地而走回傳統特別權力關係的老路！

對於零碎且結構複雜的資料來源時，社會網路分析能夠給予整體性的觀察，還能檢視個體之間的關係。目前社會網路分析研究中，因為將網路退化至簡單連結關係，所以會遺失許多珍貴的資訊。而網路規模和型態隨著研究議題的不同，也會跟著增大或趨於多變，但動態網路分析能夠提供我們檢視每個時期，網路的變化或社群的形成或消失，甚至能知道節點間的互動影響。本論文研究，以政府人事異動資料為主，並且加入了其他政府組織的相關資料，建構出政府組織的從屬網路，並在每個網路快照中，擷取出重要的官員異動；每一筆人事異動都是一個事件的發生，而特任或簡任官員在本研究中視為重要事件，從這些重要事件的發生，我們能夠對每個時間的官員，使用EventRank的演算法做排名計算。最後能從時間的變化中，觀察出每個時期的佔有重要影響力的官員。 / To fragmented and complex structure data, social network analysis (SNA) can give an overall observation, but also view the relationship between individuals. Recent research in SNA is the degradation of the network link to a simple relationship but it will lose a lot of valuable information. The size and type of network with different research topics will follow the increase or rapidly changing, dynamic network analysis can provide our view of changes in the network or community to form or disappear in every period, even know the impact of the interaction between nodes. This thesis is based on the government official changes and other related data to construct manager-subordinate network of the government organization and capture the important interactions between officials in every network snapshot. An official change is the occurrence of an event and special level official changes in this study as a critical event. From these critical events, we can use the Event Rank algorithm to rank the officials. Finally, we can observe which official has more influence from the time changes.

80年代，我國在解嚴之時，民主化運動與言論自由的保障相得益彰，幾乎同一時期，司法院大法官作成釋字第187號解釋，對於特別權力關係敲響第一記警鐘，大法官逐步正視特別權力關係理論對於權利保障與憲政制度的影響，在司法實踐上似乎邁向突破特別權力關係理論長久以來的桎梏。然探其實際，在大法官與學者相繼對於特別權力關係理論加以解構後，公務員仍未能如同民主化後的一般人民一樣享有「充分且必要」的言論自由。 在面對公務員言論爭議的案件中，我國現行法制透過概括的職務義務對於公務員言論自由施加限制。在具體個案的審查中，實務上顯然並不認為公務員享有與一般人民相同的言論自由，就公務員言論應有的界限與限制的標準，也未建立可茲遵循的審查原則。造成此一現象的原因或許在於特別權力關係尚未真正地被揚棄，學者與實務對於公務員「有權利即有救濟」的闡述，過於囿限於「服公職權」，並且在檢討、揚棄特別權力關係的過程中，仍停留在形式法治國的概念，忽略了基本權利實質限制的檢討。 本文借鏡美國法制的發展，嘗試為我國公務員言論自由的審查提出基本原則。在衡量公務員言論自由保障時，應考量「公務員言論的類型」與「公務員的職務內容」，並以「言論表達的時間與地點」與「言論的公開程度」作為輔助判斷因素，衡酌公務員言論對於政府制度目的的影響。在此一審查模型下，並非所有的公務員言論皆受到一致的限制。 法哲學家Dworkin教授曾經說過，在言論自由的困難案件中，法律人必然需要釐清「憲法為何保障言論自由」這個根本性的問題，才能決定言論自由的困難案件應該如何解決。期待本文的觀察建議可以使得實務在審查公務員言論自由的案件時，意識到公務員言論可能具有的公益面向—使政府資訊自由地流向公眾，促進政府課責與民主審議—從而能夠適當的權衡相關利益，賦予公務員言論應有的保障。 / In the 1980s, as the Martial law was lifted, the level of freedom of speech enjoyed by the people was increased alongside with Taiwan’s democratization movement. In the same period, the Constitutional Court rendered the landmark Interpretation No.187 against the theory of special power relation (besonderes Gewaltverhaltnis, the Theory). The Court was concerned with the negative effect of the Theory on constitutionally protected rights and liberties. However, even though the Court had since made several similar interpretations and seemed to gradually move toward abandoning the Theory entirely, Taiwan’s public employees have not yet been able to enjoy the same level of freedom of speech as the general public has. Under the current legal system, civil servants’ freedom of speech was restricted by broad and generalized professional duties specified in the Public Functionary Service Act. In addition, courts do not take the view that public employees and the general public enjoy the same level of freedom of expression, and do not establish a clear principle to determine what public employees can or cannot speak. Perhaps it is because the Theory has lingered on. Or it is because in the process of abandoning the Theory, courts have paid too much attention on the right to holding public offices and ignored other rights, such as the right to free speech. Learning from the public employee speech jurisprudence in the United States, this thesis tries to articulate some basic principles when reviewing cases concerning civil servants’ freedom of speech. This thesis believes that not all public employee speech should be restricted and suppressed. In deciding whether to protect civil servants’ freedom of expression, courts should consider two main factors: “the type of the speech involved” and “the responsibilities of the civil servant’s position.” In addition, factors such as “the time and place of the speech” and “degree of openness of the speech” should also be taken into account when deciding whether public employee speech has negative impact on the government in fulfilling its responsibilities. Professor Ronald Dworkin, an American legal philosopher, once remarked that in hard cases, “lawyers and judges must try to find a political justification of the First Amendment that fits most past constitutional practice and also provides a compelling reason why we should grant freedom of speech.” The thesis hopes that the observation and suggestion made in this research can help courts be aware of the public interests in protecting public employees’ freedom of speech—ensuring free flow of information from the government to the public and improving government accountability and democratic deliberation. Then can the courts better balance the relevant interests and ultimately afford proper protection to public employee speech.