目前文獻上對於市場競爭與經濟成長之研究僅侷限在研發市場的競爭，而非產品市場的競爭，本文目的則在於探討產品市場的競爭程度對經濟成長的影響，本文將產品市場結構設定為寡佔市場，並設定技術進步的方式為不完全的創造性毀滅，得到產品市場的競爭對經濟成長的影響，須視市場結構參數的大小而定。本文模型顯示，當廠商的家數增加時，同時會產生兩種方向不同的力量，一方面是廠商利潤的下降及技術的障礙，使得競爭不利於經濟成長；另一方面為廠商的家數增加時，被淘汰的機會也隨之增加，因此必須投入更多的資源在研發上面，進而促進經濟成長。兩股力量的相對大小決定競爭對經濟成長的影響。

1990年8月2日伊拉克十萬大軍，以迅雷不及掩耳的速度入侵科威特，引起世人關注。美國以國際警察之姿，高舉自由民主與維護世界秩序之大旗，透過外交積極爭取國際正義與國內外輿論支持下出兵，最後速戰速決破敵。在整個衝突與危機處理過程中，美國前總統布希透過決策小組的磋商，交互運用外交與軍事戰略等途徑，期盼達到「以戰止戰」的目的，其過程融合了外交策略與戰爭藝術，也為老布希總統及其班底打響了名號。 本論文之主要研究動機與目的，起於美國自受到「911」恐怖攻擊事件後，發動阿富汗戰爭尚未完全結束之際，復以伊拉克總統海珊可能擁有大規模毀滅性武器為由，透過強力運作，於2002年11月8日獲聯合國安理會以15票全數通過1441決議案，聯合國武器檢查小組自11月27日前往伊拉克實施武檢，美國同時於波斯灣地區展開大規模的軍事部署。期間經過四個多月的外交折衝，聯合國武檢小組歷次提出的武檢報告，並未發現伊拉克發展大規模毀滅性武器的具體證據。而伊拉克總統海珊亦宣稱並無擁有大規模毀滅性武器，2002年10月，美國主管東亞暨太平洋地區事務的助理國務卿凱利訪問平壤，凱利向北韓官員表示，美國知悉北韓發展高濃縮鈾的計畫。北韓先承認有此計畫，隨後又否認，辯稱此舉僅係自我防衛，而正處於制訂「核武發展計畫」階段而已。為何美國2003年3月20日執意要對伊拉克發動第二次波灣戰爭，而對北韓卻以談判方式解決。 2003年5月1日，美國總統小布希在航空母艦林肯號（CVN-76）上，正式宣佈結束對伊拉克的戰鬥，美國海外出兵再次贏得壓倒性的勝利。然而，美國發動這場戰爭在正當性與合法性上卻引起相當大的爭議。

本論文之研究目的在於解析奧登三首詩作 (“Spain,” “Memorial for the City” and “In Praise of Limestone”) 及麥卡錫小說 (The Road) 中的語言特質與象徵元素，以進一步釐清其作品中自然、歷史，和宗教的位階關係。針對奧登的詩作，前人已多有研究。除了學術著述之外，本論文亦援用1) 當時評論家在作品初版時對奧登的批評，以究探其語言特性對於讀者的第一手效應；2) 奧登本人在各時期對於宗教、歷史，和自然的論著，試圖追溯其思考軌跡。而就麥卡錫而言，文獻上與奧登相同處在於使用了許多當代評論；不同處在於麥卡錫本人幾乎不撰寫論述性文章或接受訪談。在麥卡錫本人不願多談其創作哲學的情況下，批評家與學者們普遍認為：麥卡錫的語言特性致使他的作品具備高度的不定性 (第一章中將有討論)。本論文企圖以比較的方式，提供麥卡錫作品研究一個有力的支點，並也希望提供奧登詩作一個略新的檢視面向。 論文研究的主要背景為兩位作者對「毀滅」場景的刻畫，分析兩者在「毀滅」之中如何構築人類對於文明、外在環境，乃至於自身的認知。論文第一章在文獻回顧的同時也論及了奧登的宗教觀，並略微闡述為何麥卡錫有被如是考量的可能。第二章著重在作品中自然與人的關係；以石灰石 (limestone) 為代表，端看兩者作品中 (主要為 “In Praise of Limestone” 與 The Road) 人類如何賦予自然定義。的三章討論時間，以奧登在論述宗教時所謂的 “Natural time” 與 “Historical time” 看其作品中時間在毀滅之時的潛在壓力與崩解，並進而以此切入點閱讀 The Road 中的毀滅時態。第四章探究在 “Historical time” 的框架下，兩者作品中是否有意圖追尋「救贖」之可能；或說，何故「救贖」在他們的語境下成為一個強烈的考量。 / This thesis aims to analyze the three poems of Auden (“Spain,” “Memorial for the City” and “In Praise of Limestone”) and Cormac McCarthy’s novel The Road. It pays attention to both authors’ language and image which construct the hierarchy of nature, history and religion in their works. As many analyses have been made on Auden, besides scholarly literature, the thesis also draws the reviews upon some poems’ first publication in order to see the first-hand effect of the poem’s language on its reader. Auden’s discourses upon nature, history and religion are also applied for seeking after the trace of his thinking. As to McCarthy, many book reviews are applied because the 2006 novel is still too young to yield a great amount of scholarly discourse. Different from Auden, McCarthy does not write discourse at all and rarely grants interview so his own artistic dogma is very little known. All is agreed by scholars and reviewers is that his language causes great instability, in term of the work’s theme and philosophy, which will be discussed in chapter one. By a comparison, this thesis hopes to provide a fulcrum upon which further analyses upon McCarthy can be made and a new aspect in reading some of Auden’s works. The background of this analysis is the scene of destruction in both authors’ works. It intends to see, in these works, how man’s perception towards civilization, the physical circumstance and himself is constructed during the time of destruction. Chapter one centers on literature review, along with which Auden’s religious viewpoints are discussed. The same chapter also justifies why such religious viewpoints can be helpful in reading The Road. Chapter two emphasizes mankind’s relationship with nature. With limestone as a representative object, chapter two sees how nature is loaded with mankind’s will. Chapter three applies Auden’s “Nature time” and “Historical time” in his discussion of religion, in order to see the frame and the stress of time during the time of destruction. Further in chapter three, the frame of time that Auden argues is applied to read McCarthy’s concept of time in The Road’s destruction. With “Historical time” as the premise, chapter four seeks for the possibility of redemption in both authors’ works and the reason why a redemptive choice is so plausible with their language.

2001年911恐怖攻擊事件之後，美國重新調整全球戰略，而其戰略重心的東移，相對牽動了亞太及台海的戰略布局，美國在戰略部署上的一連串舉措，諸如「反恐戰爭」的進行、「四年期國防總檢報告」的發布、宣布退出「反彈道飛彈條約」，乃至於小布希的東亞之行與「核武態勢評估」將原有的三個「邪惡軸心」擴大為七個「不排除動用核武」的國家，顯見美國小布希政府在軍事與戰略上的重大轉變。 就美國的安全評估，東亞地區可能對美軍及其盟邦發動攻擊的國家中，無論是短、中、長程彈道飛彈，均危及美國在東亞之戰略利益，其中以中共及北韓最令美國擔憂。 針對北韓的核武危機與中共崛起的威脅潛伏，美國建構了亞太「戰區飛彈防禦系統」，台灣應如何相對調整國防戰略、兵力結構與國防現代化，與因應中共的彈道飛彈威脅，台灣飛彈防禦應有的積極作為、建立第二擊的反擊力量，以及推動兩岸建立軍事互信機制、謀求兩岸雙贏的策略，本篇論文提出研究的發現與建議。

2002年元月，美國小布希總統宣稱北韓與伊拉克、伊朗，同屬「邪惡軸心」（Axis of Evil）國家，這些國家均係美國列入防止核武擴散之對象，於是北韓與美國關係旋墜落谷底，北韓之鬥爭策略是先昇溫，復加壓，然後迫使美國讓步；北韓復於2006年10月9日，正式對外宣布成功進行地下核武試驗，此舉無疑對東亞及國際安全均帶來衝擊。台灣基於同為亞太國家成員之一，應該理解北韓核武危機所牽動東北亞安全環境變化，以及美國、日本、中國及俄羅斯等國家多邊體系關係，倘北韓核武危機未能圓滿解決，擁核後之北韓除易成為東北亞潛伏威脅外，將引起日本加速武裝。北韓除製造核武問題外，北韓經濟困頓、民不聊生，朝鮮勞動黨為維繫獨裁政權統治，大肆販售飛彈等軍火牟取利益，甚至遭控訴涉及國際間多起販毒、製造假煙及偽造美鈔事件，而台灣位居東亞海空交通樞紐，台灣海峽為北韓船隻往來必經之路，因而有必要瞭解北韓政軍經現況，深入剖析北韓對於國際間衍生種種安全問題，訂定因應措施，以確保國家安全。 由於台灣外交情勢嚴峻，往往無法參與區域性國際組織，北韓乃伺機對台洽購精密儀器或刺探高科技產業技術，使得台灣容易成為北韓覬覦獲得國際管制性物品漏洞，本論文試圖探究並思索如何防止北韓向台灣採購可供軍事用途之精密儀器等用品，或可供生產提昇國防武器裝備之科技機器流向北韓，並配合國際反恐措施予以列管，這樣不僅符合國際利益，而且可以提昇台灣國際形象與國家地位；況且台灣亦有必要隨時瞭解國際上及美、歐等先進國家之最新出口管制措施，從而監督台灣廠商禁止將進口之高科技戰略性物品與生產之精密工具機，輾轉出口至管制地區（包括：伊朗、伊拉克、利比亞、北韓、中國、古巴、蘇丹等國），並配合國際防止擴散組織，共同防止大規模毀滅性武器擴散，形成全球安全之出口管制制度。 / In January 2002, President George W. Bush declared North Korea, Iraq, and Iran as an “axis of evil”. These countries are regarded as subject to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons by the U.S. As a result, the relationship between North Korea and the U.S. has deteriorated. North Korea has attempted to gradually increase pressure to force the U.S. to concede; on October 9, 2006, North Korea officially announced the success of its secret nuclear weapon test, which undoubtedly made a tremendous impact on security in East Asia and the world. As a member of the Asia Pacific Region, Taiwan should understand how security in Northeast Asia changes due to the fact that North Korea is now a country with nuclear weapons. Taiwan should also be aware of the multilateral relations between the U.S., Japan, China, and Russia. Without a satisfactory solution to the threat of North Korean nuclear weapons, Japan may accelerate its military build-up in response to this lurking danger in Northeast Asia. Besides the nuclear weapon issue, North Korea has a poor economy and starving people. The Korean Workers’ Party has been accused of being involved in arms sale (such as missiles), international drug smuggling, counterfeit tobacco products, and counterfeit U.S. banknotes in order to maintain its dictatorship. As Taiwan’s geographic position is vital in the air and sea transport in East Asia, it is imperative for Taiwan to understand North Korea’s politics, armed forces, and economy. Taiwan must analyze and understand international security issues related to North Korea and map out corresponding actions so as to ensure national security. Due to its difficult diplomatic situation, Taiwan is unable to join many regional organizations. Therefore, North Korea takes this opportunity to purchase precision devices or pry into high technology from Taiwan. This makes Taiwan prone to become a legal loophole of which North Korea can take advantage to obtain international control items. This study investigates the ways for Taiwan to prevent North Korea from purchasing precision devices for military use or high-tech machinery that can improve defense weapons. In addition, the study also discusses how Taiwan can have better export control against North Korea by conforming to international anti-terror measures. To follow international principles is not only in line with global interests, but can also improve Taiwan’s international image and status. Therefore, Taiwan must keep itself updated of the latest export control measures implemented by the U.S., Europe, and other advanced countries. By doing so, Taiwan government can also prevent corporations in Taiwan from re-exporting strategic high-tech commodities and related production machinery to controlled territories, such as Iran, Iraq, Libya, North Korea, China, Cuba, and Sudan. With cooperation with international non-proliferation organizations, proliferation of WMDs can be stopped and a comprehensive export control network can be formed to maintain global security.

本研究採文獻分析法和戰史研究法，並從戰略——目的、手段、方法——之研究途徑切入。 研究重點首先從以色列之海域環境和威脅來源著眼，探討以色列國家安全戰略與防衛戰略構想；由於以色列之兵役制度與軍隊訓練情形，實為支持其遂行防衛戰略，達成其國家安全之重要支柱，故亦予分析。 其次，針對以色列海軍參與之重要戰爭，包括獨立戰爭、六日戰爭（美海軍情報船自由號被以色列海空軍擊沈事件和以色列埃拉特號驅逐艦被埃及飛彈快艇擊沈事件）、十月戰爭（以敘「拉塔基亞海戰」與以埃於紅海戰線之對決）、以及其他零星之重要衝突加以析論。 第三，探討以色列海軍之兵力建設與準則發展狀況，析出以色列海軍建軍發展之三個階段，研究其硬體建設（水面作戰艦艇、潛艦、突擊隊）、海軍任務、海軍作戰準則、反恐作戰準則與行為規範之發展情形。 最後，分析以色列海軍面臨之挑戰、探討其國防資源之分配問題、海軍高科技武器發展以及其於未來之展望。 具體研究成果包含找出以色列海軍影響深遠之戰役——拉塔基亞海戰，瞭解以色列海軍建軍發展之歷程，並且發現以色列海軍邁向新時代之發展趨勢。 研究心得有三點：第一，以—阿海軍戰爭之啟示；第二、以色列海軍發展之啟示；第三，研究以色列海軍之啟示。 / The Study of the Israeli Navy was made use of literature analysis and war history research method. It was written within the approach of the strategy research which of the aims, the means, and the ways. The paper will (1) introduce the sea environment of Israel and sources of the threats, discuss Israel national security and its defense strategic conception, and Israeli conscriptions and its military training; (2) examine the significance and importance of the Israeli Navy war history; (3) give a description of structures of the Navy and its doctrines; and (4) propose the challenge of the Navy, analyze its problem of the defense budget distribution, open its hi-tech weapon systems, and observe its future development. The results of this paper include: (1) excavate the most valuable warfare among the Israeli Navy war history which is the Battle of Latakia; (2) understand the structures of the Navy; and (3) find out the trend of the Navy future development.