隨著多元化社會的來臨，政府不僅面臨日趨繁複的公共問題，而且亦須面對日趨高漲的社會力之挑戰，以政治力為主導的領導體系正遭遇著前所未有的困境，社會的多元衝突再再顯示出當前政府的統治機制已經出現鬆動的徵兆，特別是市場力似乎已經主導政府的走向，如不加以強化，極易發生不可治理性(Ungovernability)的危機。 西方國家為因應技術變遷、全球化和國際競爭力的挑戰，無不在公部門進行重要的改革。近年來，對傳統公共行政進行大規模的典範變遷(paradigm shift)，而形成了「新公共管理」或「管理主義」。本文企圖深入評估新公共管理的理論和原則，並與傳統公共行政交相比較，以了解新公共管理在各國行政革新中所被應用的管理策略與傳統公共行政不同之處，藉此分析各個管理策略的困境，其中以使用經濟理論和私有管理的原則最為人批評，而容易忽略非經濟變數，因為並非所有的妥釵都係品經濟性貿，再者容易只走著重在經濟性謗因，而忽略了非經濟誘因，變成只是重視效率、效能和經濟等標準而忽略了公道和正義等倫理道德面向。 新公共管理(New public Management, NPM)大約出現於八○與九○年代，有的學者稱之為市場基礎的公共行政(market-based public administration)、企業型政府(entrepreneurial governmnent)、管理主義(managerialism)、新管理主義(new managerialism)。它的出現主要是改正傳統的公共行政模式過分強調官僚體系的缺點。 本研究主要是以新公共管理學派的理論架構，佛理、艾伯能、費絹農和培笛果(Ferlie、Ashburner、Fitzgerald and Pettigrew)四人認為新公共管理的理想型系統，至少有四個面向可從傳統公共行政中焠煉出來，它們都包合了不同且重要的特徵，它們都有不同的擁護者和詮釋，而這四個面向在新公共管理這領域中，所能達到的成就，也許會隨著時間增強或減弱；而這四個面向所型塑的理想型系統，亦是本文研究的重心焦點。本質上，這四種面向表現出試圖建構一個『新公共管理的理想型』。以下即論述這四個面向：面向一：效率導向(the efficiency drive)；面向二：削減和分權(downsizing and decentralization)；面向三：追求卓越(in search of excellence)；面向四：公共服務導向(public service orientation)；分析新公共管理中四個不同的面向，均是企圖採用私部門的觀點（例如，全面品質管理；組織學習），以應用於公部門的系絡中。易言之，該理想型系統對內強調專業化且嚴守法規，對外強調顧客並因應市場的要求，並且強調品質，藉此型塑優良的組織文化，以追求卓越。然而當在選擇何者是可以跨越公私界限，何者又不可的問題上，吾人認為是鮮少做明確的界定，或許是因為大部分在本質上係屬『規範的』。如將四個面向與實務相互看待，吾人可以發現目前公部門只限於前三個面向（效率導向、削減和分權、追求卓越），仍未達到第四個面向（公共服務取向），而公共服務取向是否亦是代表著新左派思想的崛起，抑或是新公共管理(NPM)與新公共行政(NPA)之間的共同語言，末來新公共管理是否會超越新右派的管理哲學或日新泰勒主義，而走向社區營造、社群主義和公私合產等社會力的研究途徑，如此的省思亦牽動吾人對新公共管理的限制與困境的思考與建議。 本文為著新公共管理的理想型系統所從事之比較分析計有以下數點： (一) 釐清新公共管理的理想型系統是否與公共管理理論的三研究途徑（企業、政策、社會力）相呼應，亦或只是企業研究途徑中的一部分。 (二) 企圖聯結理論與實務。分析各國（美國、英國和紐西蘭）行政革新中的管理策略。再者，探討我國行政革新的背景、內容以及所使用的管理策略。 (三) 經由效率與公道、顧客與公民、市場與政府三項對比，來對新公共管理的理想型系統做宏觀批判，進而再對其困境做微觀批判。 最後本研究以當代公共管理的新典範－－『非線性動態』，試圖結合中國固有文化智書中既有的智慧，來營造公共管理新世界觀。職此之故，混沌行政將帶來混沌中的新秩序，增進自我創生組織的信心，並且釋放了預測和控制的枷鎖。量子力學行政的焦點不只是著重在實際的組織，亦重視能量而非事件，強調合適性而非要求存在，強調策劃而非因果關係以及著重在建構實相而非被動的被決定。再者，非線性動態著重在變革、複雜和過程的焦點，可以被當成二十一世紀政府管理在學習和行動的指南。藉著釐清批判新公共管理學派管理策略的困境並予以重建，期望能對我國行改革新的定位有所助益，並期以落實新政府運動和提昇國家競爭力。 / For the coming of plural society, government not only has to confront with more complex public problems, but face the greater challenges of the society power. The market power that have its leadership worse and governing mechanism destructured dominates the government's directions. If we didn't consolidate our government, it would be easy to result in ungovernability. The public sectors of Western countries are undergoing major changes as governments try to response the challenges of technological change, globalization and international competitiveness. Recent years have been wider-ranging reforms than any other period of the twentieth century representing a paradigm shift from the traditional model of public administration, dominant for most of the century, to "managerialism" or new public management. What is more, there is common intellectual backing for these changes particularly in economic theory and the principles of private management. By the beginning of the 1990's, a new model of public sector management was emerging in most advanced countries. The new model has several incarnations, including: "new public management"; "market-based public administration"; "entrepreneurial government"; "managerialism"; "new managerialism". It's used to replaced of traditional bureaucracy. ForFerlie、Ashbumer、Fitzgerald and Pettigrew(1996), at least four new public management models can be discerned and while each of them represents a move away from traditional public administration models, they also contain important differences and distinctive features. A contests for interpretation is apparent between propo-nents of these four models, and the degree of influence they achieve in the field may wax or wane over time. In essence, these four models represent our initial attempt to build a typology of new public management ideal types, model 1: the efficiency drive; model 2: downsizing and decentralization; model 3: in search of excellence; model 4: public service orientation. Returning to the variants of the new public management outlined in chapter 2, this analysis suggests that Models 1-3 , all of which are essentially derived from private sector management practice, are by themselves in-adequate and require adaptation to public sector context. NPM Model 4's advantage("public service orientation") lies in its sensitivity to the distinctive public sector context. However, An implication of my analysis is that the value systems of public sector managers may well continue to differ in important ways from those of private sector managers. Do these intersectoral differences in value systems really exist ? Is there a more variegated pattern evident within the public sector (e.g. differences between provider and purchaser organizations ?) These are questions which are amenable to empirical study. Nonlinear dynamics also satisfies what students of public organization, administration, and management have labeled a practical theory. A practical theory clarifies the "possibilities for action" for managers while illuminating the nature of the manager's existing actions. Moreover, the focus of nonlinear dynamics on changes, complexity, and process can serve as a guide for government management learning and action, now and in the twenty-first century. This thesis explores the main impacts on administrative refrom, especially on the USA, UK, New Zealand, and Taiwan, of the managerial strategies that have been applied across the public sector in the past decade. In sum, I argue to have a more mature form of public management in Taiwan context.

本論文從傅柯(M. Foucault)的生命政治(biopolitics)觀點，指出口服墮胎藥物RU486之治理體系建構，如何延續了台灣近代從家庭計畫、《優生保健法》立法以來的生命政治(biopolitics)脈絡，卻又因台灣1990年代民主化政治的發展，而不以過去集權政治的方式，反而透過社會行動者之間的互動與角逐形塑而成。台灣近代的人口治理自家庭計畫至《優生保健法》立法時期，執政當局都是秉持著同樣的整體人口治理觀，傳播人口控制與經濟發展扣連的論述，使治理體系越加周延與激進徹底。到了RU486時期，集權的治理已不在，但在對人口進行整體調節，與對肉體進行個體規訓的生命權力(bio-power)論述，仍滲透在行動者的論述中，不斷地擴散與再製，並使得人民被形塑出治理性(governmentality)。RU486治理體系中的臨床規訓實作，即使仍有模糊、不合法的使用不斷地挑戰治理體系的界線，但又透過生命政治體系來回不斷的建構而逐漸被收編至體系內，成為體系的一環。在RU486合法化過程積極參與的女權團體，其興起與集權政治的退場密不可分，同樣積極參與的醫生團體則是透過不斷地與執政當局合作，而發展出其專業自主權，而成為產科領域的唯一專業代言人。RU486因此做為一種整體人口治理的人工流產技術物，其體系之形塑卻因不同社會行動者的積極介入，而在整體調節之餘也部份地彰顯了行動者的自主性，形成了與家庭計畫、《優生保健法》時期的節育與墮胎技術不同的屬性。 / From Michel Foucault’s perspectives on biopolitics, this article explains how the construction of governance system of abortion pill RU486 path-depends on the biopolitics contexts of the family planning and Genetic Health Act. Due to the political democratization during the 1990s in Taiwan, this construction is not shaped by the authority before, but through the interaction and competition of social actors. In Taiwan, the population governance from the family planning to Genetic Health Act in recent years keeps the same population control values, diffusing discourses about the connection of population control and economic developments, and then makes the whole governance system more integral and radical. To the period of RU486 legalization there is no more authority, but bio-power discourses upon overall regulation of population and individual disciplinary of body still infiltrate into the discourse of actors, shaping the governmentality of people. The clinical practices of RU486, though the fuzzy, illegal practices of RU486 still challenge the boundary of governance, are incorporated in a part of the system through the dynamic construction of biopolitics. The rise of feminist organizations that deeply participate in the process of RU486 legalization, is a result of disappearance of authority. Doctor groups, which also participate in the process of RU486 legalization, rise and develop their professional autonomy through the continuous cooperation with the government, becoming the only spokesperson of Obstetrics. We could say that RU486 is a kind of abortion artifact for population governance; apart from the overall regulation in the process of shaping RU486’s governance system, the actors’ autonomy is manifest. As a result, RU486 obtains a different property with the contraception and abortion technologies in the periods of the family planning and Genetic Health Act.

本文的章節架構與寫作層次，基本上就是為了回答研究問題：「越南勞動輸出政策的實質內容是什麼，為何它可以有效地運作？」這一切得以有效運作就是因為國家透過「團結」（đoàn kết）的知識生產將國家民族、農村文化、家庭倫理連貫起來，唯有團結的國家、農村和家庭，個人才有存在的價值，這也是移工自我管理技術的根源。勞動輸出政策便是透過國家、農村和家庭三位一體的團結論述使之與移工主體接合，以形塑出具有生產性的移工主體。而「康莊」（khang trang）指的就是，越南勞動輸出政策下經濟成長和社會發展相結合，所帶來的消除貧窮與地方發展的具體表現。 第二章主要是描述「勞動輸出的歷史過程與跨國移工的形成」。1986年底越南共產黨決議實行革新（đổi mới）之後，國家的政治與經濟制度轉向商品市場化，革新的內容是「社會主義定向市場經濟」。國家因為開放私人資本，導致所有權多種型態的出現，國營企業不再是國家主要的經濟部門，各種新的經濟機會因而出現。結構上的政治經濟制度變遷帶來經濟機會的出現和戶籍制度的鬆動，農村內部的長子繼承制和農民土地的喪失，形成了一股將農民推向跨國勞動輸出的出路。革新之後，勞動輸出政策作為一項重要和長期的發展策略，是有助於國家的工業化和現代化，初期成果除了解決部分國內就業問題，也為國家增加稅收與外匯，因此在政府全力推動政策下，海外勞工的數量不斷成長。 第三章主要是討論「國家對跨國移工主體的治理」。「國家―移工」間的權力關係不全然是傳統上由國家支配一切的權力關係，而是一種Foucault指涉的牧養權力關係，是建立在各種微觀運作機制之上。這部分先討論巨觀的國家勞動輸出政策，側重在國家制訂的各種法律和規範，並且指出勞動輸出政策可以有效運作的第一個制度安排是：「勞動出口公司」，這些勞動出口公司的功能和性質儼然就是國家管理的一環。第二個制度安排是：「基層代理人」，農村基層幹部的多重身份是涵蓋國家與社會部門（例如身兼共黨、政府和祖國陣線等群眾組織幹部），透過上下互相隸屬的職務關係（例如身兼村長和社黨委或是身兼村老人會主席和社老人會常委），結合地方和家庭的社會資本連帶，成為國家政策在基層推動的堅定基礎。 第四章主要分析了「勞動輸出下的跨國移工與社會發展」。越南勞動輸出政策的成功，不僅是從經濟成長方面來肯定它的，也是因為與社會發展的結合，具體表現出來的就是消除貧窮的政策目標。國家優先選送貧窮縣地區的政策對象出國工作，希望將經濟成長的果實分配到貧窮地區，落實越南社會主義國家的團結（đoàn kết）互助理念。海外移工透過匯款remittance和返鄉return home，為地方帶來各式各樣的發展型態，例如：匯款活絡了地方金融；蓋房子不僅改善了個人健康衛生，也創造許多地方就業機會；增加子女教育投資；有更充裕的資金進行微型創業等。 對移工及其家庭來說，勞動輸出政策可以增加收入、投資子女教育、改善衛生健康、降低生存風險、增加儲蓄、促進微型創業等；對農村來說，可以消除貧窮、減少社福支出、增進基礎建設、活絡地方金融等；對國家來說，可以為國家賺取外匯、解決國內就業問題、提升人力資本和融入國際社會等。在國家鼓勵勞動輸出的政策下，地方上的黨支部書記、村長、祖國陣線各組織幹部等莫不以此為發展地方的可行方式。在政府機關、基層幹部和移工及其家庭眼中，勞動輸出政策無疑是一條邁向繁榮經濟、消除貧窮和改善生活的「康莊大道」。 / The key research question of this dissertation is: ‘What is the substance of Vietnam’s labor-export policy and why it works effectively?’. To summarize my findings, the policy of labor export works through ‘đoàn kết’ (the notion of solidarity) that denotes one’s value is based on one’s family, village, and nation. For Vietnamese migrant workers, ‘đoàn kết’ becomes the core of self-management and shapes them into productive subjects. Vietnam’s labor-export policy thus makes articulation with its migrant workers. Furthermore, ‘khang trang’ (thriving villages), under the labor-export policy, means economic growth, social development, poverty elimination, and local development. Firstly, the historical process of labor export and the formation of transnational migrant workers are described. The ‘đổi mới’ (Renovation Policy) had drawn up market economy under socialist direction that implemented by the Communist Party of Vietnam at the end of the year 1986. State owned enterprises are no longer the only type of economic entity and there are new economic opportunities for private capital and investments. The household registration and primogeniture system have been loosed. The labor-export policy was carried out as an important and long-term strategy. Meanwhile, the loss of land pushes farmers to find a way out—working overseas. The growing numbers of overseas workers brings help for the country’s industrialization and modernization; the increasing remittances and national revenue also solves some domestic employment problem. Secondly, the governance of migrant workers by the state is discussed. The power relationship between migrant workers and the state is what Foucault has indicated as “pastoral power relationship” basing on micro-mechanism. The macro-perspective of labor export policy is emphasized on the laws and regulations made by the state. There are two important implements for the labor export policy to be effective. One is the ‘Công ty xuất khẩu lao động’ (labor export company) which functions as national administration. The other is ‘grassroots cadre’ who partakes in the political and social departments, and also shares the social capital with locals and family ties. They become the main personnel for promoting the labor-export policy. Thirdly, the transnational migrant workers and social development under the labor-export policy is analyzed. The economic growth and social developments were linked with the successful labor-export policy. The goal of the policy is to eliminate poverty and it works. Based on the notion of ‘đoàn kết’, the workers form poor areas are prioritized to work abroad for improving their income. In addition, overseas remittance from migrant workers brings a wide range of local developments such as increasing consumption, improving the healthy environments, creating employment opportunities, having more money investing on children’s education and starting their own business. In a word, the policy of labor export brings benefits to migrant workers and their families to the villages, and to the nation. This policy is undoubtedly a move that leads to economic prosperity, poverty eliminating and improving the lives of migrant workers.

國民黨執政期間國家社會關係為上對下威權統治關係，而後威權時期台灣國家社會關係最突出的現象為社會自主性的提昇，國家社會關係轉變為平行合作伙伴關係，經濟自由化促進政治民主化，表面上「民意」成為台灣政經發展的主要推動力量，但支持台灣後威權時期民主政治發展之多元制度卻仍付之闕如，促使台灣發生類似民主民粹化現象。高漲的民意反噬民主政治賴以建立的根基—多元化民主，政治一元化論述撕裂了民主社會應有的基本共識與互信，並造成國家認同問題，筆者認為，民主民粹化現象使後威權時期台灣國家社會關係反而回到國家社會衝突對抗關係，多元與互補性認同是撫癒此種社會裂痕的主要關鍵。而缺乏制度性安排是造成此種緊張關係的主要原因，國家社會鑲嵌性不足，聯帶影響台灣整體國家能力。 後威權時期台灣所臨的困境主要在於如何以制度性安排重建國家社會鑲嵌性，社會需求、想法能循正常制度管道完全供輸至公部門，而公部門在制定重大政策時能同時整合私部門的需求與想法，但切忌以國家基礎建設能力為祭品，讓行政官僚體系無法發揮應有的效能，不僅社會鑲嵌性出現問題，也使貧富差距加大，造成社會不穩定。 台灣正處於政經轉型階段，如何以正面適切的回應解決來自全球化的挑戰，是政府和民間社會必需共同面對的問題，制度若無法成為民主政治的主要屏障，則民主化不必然保證多元社會的出現。

瑪格麗特‧愛特伍的《瘋狂亞當三部曲》描繪了當代讀者所熟悉的世界: 一個受新自由主義浪潮席捲的社會。當政府權力被龐大財團架空，自由國家的民主核心價值早已崩解。 本篇論文的論點延伸自Chris Vials 的文章，並試圖以新自由主義統治論述來解釋小說中民主與極權融為一體的情況。第一章解釋新經濟思維使個人與社會產生疏離，以統治極端分化的社會階層。第二章則闡述小說中的國家已陷入例外狀態，法律受到懸置，而圍牆的設立強化了排除生命的機制並且產生 “裸命”。在最後的章節將探討上帝的園丁會 “生命-形式” 的革命以及《瘋狂亞當》的主角澤伯所展現的 “無身份” 抵抗的可能性。 如同書中角色，身處於當代的讀者正受到這股 “未來的浪潮” 推進向前卻同時又受到過去的夢靨所困。世界大戰、猶太人集中營不只是已過去的歷史事實，他們以不同形式再現且縈繞不去。如何撿拾過去的傷痛與錯誤，承接死去之人的意志正是我們必須肩負的責任。 / In Margaret Atwood’s MaddAddam trilogy, the author imagines a near future that is too familiar for the reader who live in the contemporary period, a neoliberal society. Through the depiction of a hollowed-out nation replaced by a giant consortium, she lays bare a truth that democracy is going to collapse. Based on Chris Vials’ article, “Margaret Atwood’s Dystopic Fiction and the Contradictions of Neoliberal Freedom,” this thesis furthers to elaborate the integration of democratic regime and totalitarianism by discourse of neoliberal governance: the neoliberal rationality alienates individuals, uniting the divided social stratifications. In the second part, I suggest that the nation falls into an anarchy since it has already entered into a state of exception, which gives rise to “bare life.” The exclusion mechanism is represented by the construction of “the Walls.” The third chapter aims to discuss the possibility of resisting the new form of sovereign power in practice of the God’s Gardeners about how to live “form-of-life” and politics of “(non)-identity” deployed by Zeb, the protagonist of MaddAddam. Like the characters, we stand in the intersection of the “Wave of future” and the recurring nightmare in the past. Global wars and concentration camp are not only historical facts but recurring events. It is our responsibility to recall the memory, remember the pain, and inherit the will of the dead.