人工生殖係對傳統生殖方式的挑戰，透過人工生殖技術，我們可以把生殖與性分離，面對這樣新的生殖科技的變革，我們應該也要有新的思維。人工生殖技術係以非自然的方法繁衍後代，在探討其相關問題時，我們應該深入去思考生命的價值及身為人的價值。 關於人工生殖子女之法律地位，不應侷限在出生後人工生殖子女法律地位之論述，對於出生前之生命，法律亦應給與適當的保護。就精子、卵子、生殖細胞及胚胎的法律地位，應打破傳統民法體系下非「人」即「物」的迷思，認為其具有人格性，並兼具財產權的性質。對於未出生胎兒的法律地位，在憲法生命權的保障上，可以考慮賦與學者所倡之「擬似權利主體」的地位，在民法權利能力的保護上，對於其利益之保護，應認為其具有權利主體的地位。就出生後人工生殖子女的法律地位，在立法論上，為保護人工生殖子女，應於法律中明文規定讓其取得婚生子女之地位。

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

第一章緒論說明本論文的研究重點。第二章何謂分裂國家，分成三節，第一節國家 的屬性，第二節國家的種類，第三節分裂國家的屬性。第三章從分裂過程看分裂國 家，下分四節分別敘述。第四章從承認看分裂國家，下分三節，第一節是承認概說 ，第二節是從分裂國家的憲法及國內政策看分裂實體的相互關係，第三節是影響分 裂國家被承認的幾個問題。第五章是從繼承看分裂國家，主要是探討條約的繼承。 第六章則從國際組織看分裂國家，主要是探討分裂國家在聯合國及其附屬專門機構 的會籍的代表權。第七章結論則是綜合前述各章作一概括的總結。

本論文共一冊，約七萬兩千字，共分六章十六節。 第一章探討我國對待外人傳統思想，並回顧比較唐代外人在華法律地位及鴉片戰爭前 外人在華法律地位，研究其中之變化。最後研究領事裁判權時代外人法律地位，採究 不制外人權益對我國之禍害。 第二章探討外國人之定義及國籍問題，以研究外人權益之準據因素。 第三章探討外國人在我國權益之濧律淵源－－條約及國內法令，並研討國際法要求我 國對待外僑之標準。 第四章探討外僑在我國出入境及居留之限制，我國對外僑之刑事管轄權，以僑在我國 之財產權、工作權、營業權、訴訟權等權利，以及在公法私法上之義務。 第五章探討我國對外僑投資之獎勵與保護，並特別研析徵收問題。 第六章結論將總結分析我國政策及法令對待外人之一般情形，並提出數點建議。

本文試就國際法中有關難民法律地位的發展背景談起；第二章則在於探討國際難民法 的法律淵源，並介紹影響難民國際法上法律地位甚鉅的國際文件，及國際機構。第三 章就國際難民的涵義、國際文件中所稱的難民，以及其易生混淆的觀念與以澄清。第 四章則在於探討當前難民國際法法律地位的狀況；第五章則對於難民的出入境，及旅 居的問題就國際實例作分析。第六章並就本文所勾劃出的問題作結論。 本文全文共分五章，外加緒論篇，共約九萬字，合併一冊。

Denny Roy describes the current political situation in Taiwan as both “peculiar and intriguing.” Roy also uses the terms “beautiful” and “beleaguered” to define Taiwan. These oxymoronic terms are natural reactions to the political turmoil and the economic success that characterize this island. The island itself appears harmless enough, yet it remains an indirect military threat to the world’s two most powerful nations: China and the US. At the heart of this threat is the question of Taiwan’s political status. Is it a sovereign nation in its own right or is it a part of mainland China? Taiwan believes it is sovereign and entitled to recognition as a sovereign state. China believes Taiwan is merely a renegade state and will eventually return to mainland China. The US is torn between foreign policies and relationships with both Taiwan and China and takes a rather ambiguous position. The result is decades of diplomatic wars between Taiwan and China with the US quite often caught in the middle. The purpose of this research study is to analyze and trace the origins and developments of Taiwan’s “peculiar and intriguing” circumstances and the consequences for world peace. This will require a detailed examination of the relations between Taiwan, China and the US and how foreign policy strategies and world politics have steered this triangle and the legal developments that have emerged. Certainly, conflict in the Middle East is a threat to world peace and security. However, no conflict or political impasse exists with the threat of war between the world’s two superpowers juxtaposed against one another as does the situation in the Taiwan Strait. A war between the US and China over Taiwan’s legal status may or may not happen. However, the mere prospect of such a war shapes and steers Taiwan’s domestic and international affairs. The focus on the colliding interests in and over the Taiwan Strait, automatically follow from the current status quo. For the second half of the 20th century each of the parties involved have gravitated toward largely incompatible goals. China takes the position that there is only one China and Taiwan is a part of China. Taiwan originally believed just as vociferously in the opposite contention and declared Taipei rather than Beijing as China’s legitimate capital. In recent years Taiwan has pursued autonomous status and international recognition. However, the greatest part of Taiwan’s population favors the status quo: rejecting independence and Chinese control all at once. The US is similarly positioned: acknowledging China’s one-China policy without expressing or demonstrating acceptance of it. Meanwhile the US has legally bound itself to providing military and economic assistance to Taiwan. These are the peculiar and intriguing circumstances surrounding the situation in Taiwan that motivate this study. / Denny Roy describes the current political situation in Taiwan as both “peculiar and intriguing.” Roy also uses the terms “beautiful” and “beleaguered” to define Taiwan. These oxymoronic terms are natural reactions to the political turmoil and the economic success that characterize this island. The island itself appears harmless enough, yet it remains an indirect military threat to the world’s two most powerful nations: China and the US. At the heart of this threat is the question of Taiwan’s political status. Is it a sovereign nation in its own right or is it a part of mainland China? Taiwan believes it is sovereign and entitled to recognition as a sovereign state. China believes Taiwan is merely a renegade state and will eventually return to mainland China. The US is torn between foreign policies and relationships with both Taiwan and China and takes a rather ambiguous position. The result is decades of diplomatic wars between Taiwan and China with the US quite often caught in the middle. The purpose of this research study is to analyze and trace the origins and developments of Taiwan’s “peculiar and intriguing” circumstances and the consequences for world peace. This will require a detailed examination of the relations between Taiwan, China and the US and how foreign policy strategies and world politics have steered this triangle and the legal developments that have emerged. Certainly, conflict in the Middle East is a threat to world peace and security. However, no conflict or political impasse exists with the threat of war between the world’s two superpowers juxtaposed against one another as does the situation in the Taiwan Strait. A war between the US and China over Taiwan’s legal status may or may not happen. However, the mere prospect of such a war shapes and steers Taiwan’s domestic and international affairs. The focus on the colliding interests in and over the Taiwan Strait, automatically follow from the current status quo. For the second half of the 20th century each of the parties involved have gravitated toward largely incompatible goals. China takes the position that there is only one China and Taiwan is a part of China. Taiwan originally believed just as vociferously in the opposite contention and declared Taipei rather than Beijing as China’s legitimate capital. In recent years Taiwan has pursued autonomous status and international recognition. However, the greatest part of Taiwan’s population favors the status quo: rejecting independence and Chinese control all at once. The US is similarly positioned: acknowledging China’s one-China policy without expressing or demonstrating acceptance of it. Meanwhile the US has legally bound itself to providing military and economic assistance to Taiwan. These are the peculiar and intriguing circumstances surrounding the situation in Taiwan that motivate this study.

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

本文在探討教師之倫理規範及懲戒制度，首從教師本質談起，研究教師法律地位及權利義務，並從實務案例歸納不適任教師之定義，進而分析比較國內外教師倫理規範，最末，探討教師責任、懲處及救濟制度。內容涵括：1.教師之本質：從教師職業之演變瞭解教師專業化之歷程，並探討教師之法律地位，瞭解教師身分是否為勞工或公務員；進而從學理及實務面向探討教師與學校之法律關係，最末，探討教師之權利與義務。2.教師適任性：除比較國內外教師資格取得方式及從法令規範探討不適任教師類型外，進而從實務案例探究我國不適任教師認定標準，以行為不檢有損師道及教學不力或不能勝任工作為主要類型；最末討論教師評鑑制度及現況。3.教師倫理：探討教師專業倫理之意涵，並瞭解各國教師倫理守則及我國教師倫理規範之現況，繼而分析比較及提出我國教師倫理之未來方向。4.教師懲處與責任：探討教師懲處之事由、程序及停聘、解聘、不續聘種類及性質，再從教師行為探究刑事責任、民事責任及行政責任。5.教師職業之權利救濟：探討申訴、訴願、行政訴訟等救濟制度之關係，並提出改革建議。