消費研究在近來已經成為社會科學研究中的一個重要研究領域，消費不再僅僅被當作是一種純粹的經濟行為來理解，消費行為的背後更涉及了社會、文化層次的議題探討，以往西方傳統的消費文化理論研究大多認為，消費社會的變遷與消費主義的興起，主要趨動的力量來自民間社會，包括經濟能力的變化、階級間的的攀比效應等，然而這些理論視角並不足以完整的解釋上海消費社會變遷的脈絡與消費主義的興起原因。近來有學者開始注意到上海消費社會變遷過程中的國家角色的重要性。消費社會分析中，國家角色的提出對吾人理解中國消費社會發展提供了一個非常有力的切入點，有助於吾人能更加貼近的耙疏中國消費社會的發展脈絡。 本文欲透過對中共消費話語建構的分析，探討中共在消費政策發展與變遷，重新描繪出在不同歷史時空及主客觀環境條件限制下，這些政策主軸如何形成動態變遷的軌跡，並梳理出其背後的知識脈絡，以廓清中共的消費話語建構與上海消費社會變遷之間的關係：消費話語權是如何被建構出來的？被建構的目標為何？話語權力的實踐如何成為可能？其中又經過哪些轉折？影響話語權流轉的背後結構因素又為何？中共又是如何透過話語力量打造一個新的「消費秩序」？這樣的消費秩序又具有什麼樣的意義？ 本文試著透過葛蘭西的文化霸權理論來點出消費社會之中國家角色的重要性，並借用傅柯知識／權力話語分析的啟發，來探討國家如何在消費社會之中貫徹其文化霸權的施展。因此本文從歷史脈絡的文本資料著手，分析上海城市生活中的消費社會之興起、發展與變遷，耙梳其脈絡並廓清在此過程中箇中的發展邏輯。 本文發現，整個上海消費社會的發展其實就是一場實存世界中政治權力、經濟利益與知識論述的競逐，綜觀上海消費社會國家話語的建構脈絡，吾人得出了幾點結論：首先，上海從生產城市到消費城市的定位轉型過程中，上海消費社會中的國家之手從未退出，國家反而透過不同的話語建構持續其權力的施展；其次，從革命時期開始的「革命式現代化典範」到改革開放後鄧小平進行現代化典範轉軌，國家在上海建構的消費話語，始終是鑲嵌在中國現代化話語典範的轉折脈絡下而開展的；再次，從毛澤東、鄧小平乃、江澤民乃至於胡錦濤時期，消費話語始終作為一個權力施展的機制，與中共政權的合法性資源及基礎息息相關；最後，隨著全球化浪潮與資本主義話語的影響，中共在消費話語權上將面臨更多的挑戰，尤其是消費主義帶來的消費費異化、貧窮不均、資源環境破壞等問題，都將直接衝擊黨的權威與合法性，這也將是日後中共領導人在進行新的消費話語論述時必須重視的地方。 關鍵字：上海、消費社會、中共消費政策、話語權力

何謂現當代中國之民族主義? 此種民族主義如何想像出「中華民族」這個共同體? 中國民族主義之話語是否在習近平擔任中共中央總書記以來有所變化? 本論文試圖通過有關民族主義之理論, 中國研究文獻與中國民族主義話語之分析來探討以上幾個問題. 方法論上, 本論文提供兩種二分法: 其一為民族主義話語「公民–領土」與「族裔–文化」之不同內容, 其二為民族主義「尋求建立政體」與「維護既有政體」之不同方向. 本作者適用此兩種二分法來重新解釋幾代中國政治領導層之人物所講出來的民族主義話語之內容與方向. 因此, 此篇論文將打造理論, 敘述與「社會現實」之間的對話來闡明中國政治至關重要方面之一 : 即「中華民族」持續不斷的再定義. 了解到現當代中國民族主義之內容與方向在很大程度上有助於我們對中國人民共和國政治之認識, 更能夠讓我們進一步地理解在「大中華」所存在的政治與社會問題之一. 不僅如此, 本論文所體現之學習方式具有延伸性, 而因此能夠適用在其他個案上, 使民族主義學之文獻變得更為一致. / What kind of nationalism exists in contemporary China, and how does that nationalism imagine the Chinese nation? Has the rhetoric of nationalism in mainland China changed since the ascent of Xi Jinping to the position of General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)? This thesis seeks to address these questions by analyzing theories of nations and nationalisms, secondary literature on Chinese nationalism, and a volume of primary sources representative of Chinese nationalist discourse with an emphasis on the Xi Jinping era. Methodologically, this study presents a dichotomy of nations as either ethno-cultural or civic-territorial in content and nationalisms as either polity-seeking (state-seeking and revisionist) or polity-based (nationalizing and status-quo reinforcing) in orientation. These distinctions are then applied to reinterpret the content and orientation of official nationalism across generations of Chinese political leadership. This study therefore generates a dialogue between theories, narratives, and “social realities” that illuminates a critical aspect of Chinese politics: the ongoing redefinition of “China” as a nation. Discovering the nature of Chinese nationalism in this context is crucial not only for an understanding of politics in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), but indeed for greater clarity on a key social and political issue throughout “Greater China.” Furthermore, the approach embodied herein can be applied to other cases to bring greater consistency to the literature of nationalism studies.

勞雇關係幾乎為每個人重要的社會身分，人生中有絕大部分的時間，都作為一個「勞工」在生活著，勞資爭議調解為勞工用以實踐「權利」主要途徑，因而，本研究聚焦於勞資爭議調解中的糾紛、話語以及其中之權力關係，採用法律的文化分析取徑，以描繪出「權利」在勞資爭議調解中，如何地透過眾人之手、努力、血汗「打造」而成的過程。 　　為什麼政府人員、調解人盡心盡力地處理當事人的勞資糾紛，甚至是調解人表示其較為偏向勞工的情況下，多數的勞工還是對於勞資爭議調解的結果不甚滿意？本研究的問題意識為：權利如何在勞資爭議調解中「打造」以及「被打造」？本研究透過非參與式觀察十一個案件，訪談七名勞工、五名勞資爭議調解之調解人以及相關政府文書之分析，以期回應本研究之問題意識。 　　本研究認為勞資爭議調解中的格式化過程是具有「任意性」的，從糾紛到案件的過程中會貼上什麼樣的「標籤」，當事人對此失去控制，因此對於糾紛的轉化感到無力。而在以法律、證據、法律文件等法律話語為主的勞資爭議調解中，一個糾紛如何被「命名」為案件，則涉及了命名的權力競逐。調解為雙方合意作成的決定，調解人未如法官具有國家賦予命名的強制力，需要透過「資源的動員」以取得命名之權力，勞資雙方也透過專業人士的轉譯，將日常語言轉譯為法律語言，以爭奪命名之權力，而此過程牽涉當事人的經濟上實力，因而在勞資爭議調解中再現了社會階層結構。 　　在觀察勞資爭議調解中勞工的法意識，我發現傳統的「認份」、「互相觀」與現代法律權利之交織，影響了勞工的法律行動。而勞工進入勞資爭議調解時，期望勞資爭議調解如同父母官為其主持公道，但又因勞資糾紛的格式化、權力不平等結構之延伸等權利實現之困境，使得勞工對勞資爭議調解在「期待與失望中擺盪」，然而，即使失望，仍僅得再回到該程序再度主張權利，而在勞工透過勞資爭議調解與雇主拉開距離的同時，也拉近了與國家的距離－即使對於國家感到失望。 　　本研究指出了一個對於糾紛解決機制研究之可能分析框架：「糾紛的格式化」、「話語模式」、「法意識」，在此研究框架之下，得以分析糾紛解決機制中權力關係的運作過程。最後，本研究認為權利是在一場場的爭戰中實現，並非是抽象而先驗的存在，而是在一個個的行動中「打造」而成。

韓(1999)提出祈使句是指句中主要動詞是祈使情態(imperative mood)的句子，與其他句型相較下，在其他語言中祈使句具有特別的動詞構詞或句法表現；然而，中文祈使句並無任何構詞或句法機制以表現祈使情態，因此，中文祈使句的句法表現和直述句相似。本論文動機為觀察到中文祈使句與其他語言祈使句的相異處，進而研究中文如何區別中文祈使句與其他句型的差異。同時，前人對於中文祈使句的研究多從描述性觀點出發，缺理論辯證，以致分析上產生缺失；因此，本文試從衍生句法的觀點分析中文祈使句的句法結構。 本論文主要有三個研究目的: 首先，本論文研究中文祈使句的句法特徵。其次，本論文研究如何區別中文祈使句與其他句型的差異，並發現中文的附加問句可以用來區別祈使句與直述句。並且，本論文發現中文的否定祈使句“別”字句與義務性情態詞“要/不要”在句法表現上雖有相同處，但亦表現出多方面的句法相異處。再者，本論文從衍生句法的觀點研究中文祈使句的句法結構。因為中文缺乏句法標記與構詞變化，因此無法從句法層面看出中文祈使句的話語效力 (force)與情態(mood), 但藉由時制定位(tense anchoring)與祈使句的關係，本論文提出中文祈使句結構中具有祈使算子(imperative operator)。 / Han (1999) proposes imperatives are sentences whose main verbs are in the form of the imperative mood. Imperative sentences possess a distinct morphology within the verb or may be distinguished by their syntactic realization from other clause types. However, Chinese imperatives do not demonstrate verb-inflection nor do they impose morphological mechanisms to indicate mood; thus, it seems that imperatives in Chinese are similar to declaratives. This thesis observes the differences between imperatives in Chinese and in other languages, and these differences lead us to conduct a study on how Chinese distinguishes imperatives from other clause types. Moreover, this thesis finds that the previous analyses of Chinese imperatives lack theoretical grounds, as several problems and wrong prediction arise under those analyses. Thus, this study researches on the structure of Chinese imperatives from the perspective of generative grammar. The thesis has three main goals. First, this thesis investigates the syntactic characteristics of Chinese imperatives. Second, this thesis seeks to discern how Chinese distinguishes imperatives from other clause types. This study utilizes tag questions to distinguish imperatives and declaratives. Furthermore, this study finds that the imperatives bie1 and deontic Modalsobligation yao sentences are alike in some ways, but different in other ways. Third, from a generative perspective, this thesis proposes a syntactic structure of imperatives in Chinese. Although it seems difficult to find syntactic evidence of the imperative force and mood as well as a structure of imperatives because Chinese imperatives lack a morpho-syntatic strategy, this thesis proposes that Chinese possesses an imperative operator in imperatives, by examining the evidence from tense anchoring and imperatives.

隨著冷戰結束，美國藉由其強大國力和自身的話語權力，在國際社會爭取自身利益。近年來，由於中國國力日漸強大，開始重視話語權的建構，加上 2008年西藏拉薩「3．14事件」發生時，中國封鎖消息，沒有官方來源的情況下，國外媒體紛紛透過其他管道採訪，出現許多次錯誤報導，讓中國失去主動建立話語權的機會。中國政府當局深知此事傷害中國形象甚尤，為了避免形成所謂「以美國為主的國際話語和國際輿論霸權」以及「傳播美國化」的問題，中國在2009年新疆「7．5事件」中放寬新聞管制，主動提供外國媒體信息，並安排外國記者採訪事宜，使訊息較為透明化，避免世界一邊倒的輿論偏向，企圖獲得中國話語權。 在2009年新疆烏魯木齊「7．5事件」中，中國政府採取不同於過往的處理方式，中國當局記取改善信息發佈制度，事件發生後幾小時內，中國國務院新聞辦公室邀請外國記者到烏魯木齊採訪，安排記者採訪事宜，較諸2008年西藏拉薩「3．14事件」。因此，本研究採取內容分析和論述分析等，透過分析新疆「7．5事件」新聞，試圖了解中國傳媒如何藉由新疆「7．5事件」新聞報導建構中國話語權策略，並以美國《紐約時報》作為論證，檢視中國藉由新疆「7．5事件」建構話語權的成效為何。研究結果發現，《中新社》運用的九項報導策略，在《紐約時報》並沒有提及類似的新聞內容，證明《中新社》的報導策略在《紐約時報》試圖從報導新疆「7．5事件」建構的國際話語權策略，成效有限。 / While Cold War ended, the United States fought for their own interests in the global society through their own national power and discursive power. In recent years, China’s national power has become stronger, and started to focus on discursive power. When 2008 Tibetan unrest happened, China blocked all the information. There is no official source so that the foreign media have to use irregular channels to interview people. There are some error reports in foreign media, so China lost the opportunity to take the initiative to establish the right to speak. Chinese authorities knew that the matter hurt Chinese image severely. In order to avoid the problems so-called “US-based international hegemonic discourse” and “dissemination of Americanization,” China, in July 2009 Urumqi riots, loosened restrictions in media and took initiative to provide information to journalists. Chinese government also arranged some interviews for foreign so that the messages were more transparent to avoid one-sided opinions to gain Chinese discursive power. In July 2009 Urumqi riots, the Chinese government adopted the approach different from the past, which improved information release system. Within a few hours after the incident, China's State Council Information Office invited foreign reporters to Urumqi to do interviews which differed from 2008 Tibetan unrest. Therefore, this study adopts content analysis and discourse analysis etc. to realize how Chinese media constructs Chinese discourse strategies and uses U.S.A. “New York Times” as a proof to view Chinese discourse strategies’ effects through July 2009 Urumqi riots news. The study finds that China News Service uses 9 strategies in reporting Urumqi riots. However, New York Times do not mention the similar coverage. It proved that China News Service use the strategies to construct international discursive power in reporting Urumqi riots, to be limited success.

本文旨在探討透過權力分享式民主與審議式民主的取徑，來緩解當前台灣民主困境的可行性。 首先，本文討論了當前台灣民主困境的成因，以及藍綠雙方的根本差異。同時指出，台灣當前的民主困境可被視為一種極度分裂社會的狀態來理解，並將台灣民主困境的關鍵難題，定位在認同差異與政治不信任。 其次，本文從既有的權力分享式民主的文獻中，梳理出有助於解決當前台灣民主困境的「規範性概念」與「經驗性證據」；做為權力分享式民主對當前台灣民主困境的回應。經過分析後發現，利用協合式民主去處理當前台灣民主困境，應是個值得嘗試的方向。若將協合式民主中菁英間的決策模式，改由審議取代議價，則此種修正型的協合式民主可為長期解決族群衝突提供更多的可能性。 繼之，本文從既有的審議式民主的文獻中，梳理出有助於解決當前台灣民主困境的「規範性理念」與「經驗性證據」，作為審議式民主對於當前台灣民主困境的回應。經過分析後發現，理論上，審議式民主的理想審議是可以解決當前台灣民主困境，只不過理想言說情境在現實生活中很難達成。但是這並不排除理想言說情境是可以近似達成的。不過文獻中迄今仍無經驗證據顯示，單獨利用審議式民主可以解決在極度分裂社會中的國家認同問題。為了讓對立雙方願意自由參加對話、願意相互尊重，以及願意理性溝通，必須提供誘因，而權力分享就是一種誘因。此外，為了判斷對話或審議環境是否接近理想言說情境，必須要有量化的測量工具，而話語品質指數(DQI)就是一種工具。因此，權力分享與DQI，就是強化審議式民主的兩種有效工具。 面對當前台灣民主困境，本文最後提出了一個結合協合式民主與審議式民主(即修正型的協合式民主)的現階段策略的建議。 / This thesis explores the feasibility of mitigating ethnic conflict of current Taiwan employing the methods of power-sharing democracy and deliberative democracy. First of all, the causes and the key difficult problems of democratic predicament, and the dispute in national identity between the pan-blue and pan-green camps, as those currently exist in Taiwan, are discussed in greater detail. The key difficult problems appear to be conflict in identities and political distrust. Next, based on the existing literature of power-sharing democracy, this thesis identifies the normative ideas and empirical evidences that are relevant to the settlement of democratic predicament of current Taiwan. After an in depth analysis, it concludes that the use of consociational approach to manage democratic predicament of current Taiwan should be the direction worth trying. The so-called modified consociational democracy, which is formed to meet the deliberative requirements of publicity and reciprocity, by replacing consociational decision making with deliberation, may provide more possibility for longer-term goal of ethnic conflict resolution. Likewise, based on the existing literature of deliberative democracy, this thesis identifies the normative ideas and empirical evidences that are relevant to the settlement of democratic predicament of current Taiwan. After an in depth analysis, it concludes that, theoretically, the use of ideal deliberation approach appears capable of dealing with the democratic predicament of current Taiwan. Although it is not possible to create Habermas’s ideal speech situation on a precise level, it is possible to achieve ISS approximately. However, there did not exist any empirical evidence in the literature to demonstrate that the application of deliberative democracy alone may provide conflict resolution of the national identity problem in deeply divided societies. In order to let both sides of the conflicting groups be willing to participate freely in the dialogue, be willing to respect one another, and be willing to communicate rationally, it is necessarily to provide both sides with power-sharing incentives tailored to make both sides feel absolutely secure. In addition, in order to evaluate how close the dialogue or deliberative approaches the conditions of ideal speech situation, it is necessarily to have a quantitative measuring instrument at our disposal and the discourse quality index (DQI) is such an instrument. Therefore, power-sharing and DQI tend to form two effective tools for strengthening the deliberative democracy. Finally, this thesis proposes the modified consociational democracy as the present stage strategy for the resolution of democratic predicament of current Taiwan.