Nesta dissertação analisamos as dinâmicas de ação coletiva dos grupos negros na Colômbia, desde a abolição da escravidão a meados do século XIX até a Colômbia contemporânea. Este foco sócio-histórico tem como objetivo observar as mudanças nas oportunidades políticas que permitem, ou não, a ação coletiva de um grupo social. Na medida em que as oportunidades políticas oferecidas pelo Estado são favoráveis para a mobilização, nos interessamos em compreender as estratégias de mobilização e os recursos usados pelos ativistas, assim como as alianças e a especialização do ativismo. A dinâmica da organização do Movimento Afro-Colombiano mudou na ultima década do século XX, quando promulgada a nova Constituição Política nacional e mais uma vez na primeira década do século XXI, quando a população negra colombiana se torna alvo do conflito armado que vive o país. / In this dissertation we analyze the dynamics of collective action of Colombian black groups, since the abolition of slave trade in 1851, until contemporary Colombia. This sociohistorical focus has the intuition to observe how changes in political opportunities aloud collective action of a social group. In so far as political opportunities given by the State are positive for mobilization, we are interested in the comprehension of which strategies are chosen for groups to mobilize, as well as the usage of resources by activists. Also we are interested in understanding the alliances and specialization of the activism in certain political regimes. The dynamic of organization of Afro-Colombian Movement changed during the last decade of the 20th century, when a new constitution was adopted. And has changed once again during the first decade of the 21st century, when Colombian black population became the main victims of the armed conflict in the country.

Si la question de l'organisation de l'action collective, qui constitue un problème autant scientifique que public, a été largement étudiée notamment en sociologie et en sciences politiques, elle a été peu analysée dans des contextes socio-urbains transfrontaliers. Pourtant, sur le plan opérationnel, la question de l'organisation se situe au coeur de l'aménagement du territoire transfrontalier, en particulier en Europe occidentale. Un travail scientifique sur ce sujet semble d'autant plus pertinent que la question de l'organisation est rendue beaucoup plus complexe par la présence de frontières : démultiplication des acteurs et des échelles,conflits de positionnement, etc. Nous verrons que loin de disparaître, ces frontières sont en mutation et jouent un rôle essentiel dans la manière dont l'action s'organise. Dans cette perspective, ce travail explore de manière fine les mécanismes de coopération entre acteurs institutionnels d'une part, et s'interroge d'autre part sur le rôle des frontières dans la production d'une métropole transfrontalière, à travers le cas de l'agglomération franco-valdo-genevoise / If the question of the organization of collective action, which constitutes a problem at once public and scientific, was largely studied particularly in sociology and political sciences, it remains poorly studied in transfrontier socio-urban contexts. However, operationally, the question of the organization is at the heart of the transfrontier urban planning, especially in Western Europe. A scientific research on this subject seems even more pertinent that the question of the organization is made more complex by the presence of frontiers: multiplication of actors and scales, conflict of positioning, etc. Far from disappearing, these frontiers are changing and play a crucial role in the way that the action is organized. In this perspective, this thesis explores precisely the mechanisms of cooperation between institutional actors on the one hand, and questions the role of frontiers in the production of a transfrontier metropolis on the other hand, through the case of agglomeration franco-valdo-genevoise

Submitted by Caroline Xavier (caroline.xavier@pucrs.br) on 2017-06-30T14:37:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TES_LUIZ_PAULO_DA_CAS_CICHOSKI_COMPLETO.pdf: 1758729 bytes, checksum: 5d01f795a90116b18dbf55169d2ce1ca (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-30T14:37:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TES_LUIZ_PAULO_DA_CAS_CICHOSKI_COMPLETO.pdf: 1758729 bytes, checksum: 5d01f795a90116b18dbf55169d2ce1ca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-16 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / Quando n?s falamos sobre entidades coletivas, a??o ? o tipo de atribui??o mais comum. N?s rotineiramente falamos coisas tais como: ?China suspende todas as importa??es de carv?o da Coreia do Norte?; ?Uber est? investigando acusa??es de ass?dio feitas por ex-funcion?rio?; ?A Suprema Corte estuda o caso de um tiro disparado nos E.U.A. que matou um adolescente no M?xico?; ?Mal?sia retira embaixador na Coreia do Norte?; ?SpaceX lan?a foguete a partir da hist?rica ?plataforma da lua? da NASA.?. S?o essas atribui??es verdadeiras? Com certeza todas elas poderiam ser meramente metaf?ricas. N?s poder?amos tomar entidades coletivas como agentes somente como uma maneira de falar. Neste trabalho, eu argumento em favor de uma posi??o realista a respeito de entidades coletivas e seu status de agente; tornando algumas dessas senten?as verdadeiras. Ultimamente, muitos fil?sofos t?m abordado esse t?pico, mas a discuss?o tende a ser guiada pelo problema da intencionalidade coletiva, o problema de como entidades coletivas podem possuir estados mentais. Meu trabalho tenta trazer mais elementos da filosofia da a??o para a investiga??o de a??es coletivas. Eu tomo como guia o problema da individua??o da a??o, porque esse t?pico aborda quest?es de central import?ncia para a??es coletivas. Especialmente a quest?o das a??es agregadas: a??es que s?o compostas de outras a??es, que parecem ser os casos paradigm?ticos de a??es coletivas, na medida em que a??es coletivas s?o, presumivelmente, compostas de a??es individuais. O problema da individua??o da a??o nos leva a dois conceitos centrais da natureza da a??o: a??o b?sica e inten??o. Neste trabalho, eu mostrarei como uma investiga??o sobre a??o b?sica pode nos ajudar a localizar o lugar das contribui??es individuais em a??es coletivas e como uma investiga??o sobre inten??o pode localizar um elemento fundamental da a??o que ? irredut?vel e distintivamente coletivo nos casos de a??es coletivas. Depois de explorar esses dois conceitos centrais, eu ofere?o uma defini??o de a??o que leva a s?rio o lugar da inten??o como guia para identificar quando um evento constitui uma a??o. / When we talk about collective entities, action is the most common kind of ascription. We regularly say things such as ?China suspends all coal imports from North Korea?; ?Uber is investigating harassment claims by ex-employee?; ?Supreme Court considers case of a shot fired in U.S. that killed a teenager in Mexico?; ?Malaysia recalls ambassador to North Korea?; ?SpaceX launches rocket from NASA?s historic moon pad.? Are those ascriptions true? For sure, they could all be metaphoric. We could take collective entities as agents just as a way of speaking. In this work, I argue in favor of a realist position regarding collective entities and their status of agent; rendering some of these sentences true. Recently, many philosophers are addressing this topic, but the discussion tends to be guided by the problem of collective intentionality, the problem of how collective entities can have mental states. My work tries to bring more elements of philosophy of action to the investigation of collective action. I take as a guide the problem of action individuation, because this topic addresses questions of central importance for collective action. Especially the question of aggregate actions, actions that are composed of other actions, which seems to be the paradigmatic case of collective action, insofar as they are presumably composed of individuals? actions. The problem of action individuation leads us to two central concepts on the nature of action: basic action and intention. In this work, I will show how an investigation on basic action can help us locate the place of individuals? contributions in collective action and how an investigation on intention can locate a fundamental element of action that is irreducible and distinctively collective in collective action cases. After exploring these two core concepts, I provide a definition of action that take seriously the place of intention as a guide to identify when an event constitutes an action.

Submitted by Jadson Francisco de Jesus SILVA (jadson@uefs.br) on 2018-09-11T22:11:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??o revisado COM CABE?ALHO dividido ?ltima vers?o com p?gina ?ltimo.pdf: 1569009 bytes, checksum: 16776803abebeb72396d82c8dd74617d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-11T22:11:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??o revisado COM CABE?ALHO dividido ?ltima vers?o com p?gina ?ltimo.pdf: 1569009 bytes, checksum: 16776803abebeb72396d82c8dd74617d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-08 / This research presents an analysis of the trajectory of the election for school administrators in the municipal network of Am?lia Rodrigues from the official documents from 2000 to 2010. The year 2000 was the initial milestone of the regulation and the year 2010 was published the first public notice after change of government. In this sense, this research has as object of study the conceptions about school management evidenced in the trajectory of the election for school managers in the city of Am?lia Rodrigues-BA, and as a guiding question: How are the conceptions about school management evidenced in the trajectory of the election for school managers in the municipality of Am?lia Rodrigues from 2000 to 2010? The general objective was to analyze the conceptions about school management evidenced in the trajectory of the election for school managers in the municipality of Am?lia Rodrigues-BA. Thus, the research refers to school management based on a democratic perspective, committed to the promotion of citizenship, and social emancipation, as opposed to the managerial aspect of public administration. With regard to the research instruments, the analysis of the documents that regulated the election for municipal school managers and semi-structured interviews was used. In order to do so, it sought to know in the municipal scope the guiding documents that directly related to the school management, the instruments and instances that operationalize the democratic management in the schools of the municipal network, as well as the characteristics and conceptions evidenced in the legal documents. The analysis of the data, gathered in the documents and the interviews, was based on the approach of the Policy Cycle (context of influence and practice) based on the work of Stephen Ball and Richard Bowe, English researchers in the area of educational policy. Thus, we adopt a theoretical basis based on the studies of authors such as: Bobbio (2000); Coutinho (2002); Paro (1998); Frigotto, Ciavatta (2003); Cury (2002); Sander (2005); Luck (2006) among others. The data of this investigation revealed that there are many barriers regarding the true participation of the different segments in the management of the school. Therefore, although there is considerable progress regarding collective participation in school units with the election of school administrators, there is still a lot to be done, so that school democratization becomes a reality in the municipality of Am?lia Rodrigues. / Esta pesquisa apresenta uma an?lise da trajet?ria da elei??o para gestores escolares na rede municipal de Am?lia Rodrigues, a partir de documentos oficiais, no per?odo de 2000 a 2010. O ano de 2000 foi o marco inicial da regulamenta??o e em 2010, publicou-se o primeiro edital, ap?s mudan?a de governo. Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa tem como objeto de estudo as concep??es sobre gest?o escolar evidenciadas na trajet?ria da elei??o para gestores escolares no munic?pio de Am?lia Rodrigues-BA e, como quest?o norteadora: Como se caracterizam as concep??es sobre gest?o escolar evidenciadas na trajet?ria da elei??o para gestores escolares no munic?pio de Am?lia Rodrigues no per?odo de 2000 a 2010? Como objetivo geral buscou-se analisar as concep??es sobre gest?o escolar evidenciadas na trajet?ria da elei??o para a escolha dos dirigentes das escolas municipais de Am?lia Rodrigues-BA, estabelecendo o tipo de gest?o que, na percep??o da comunidade e com base nos documentos institucionais, foi implementada ao longo de uma d?cada, 2000 a 2010. Assim, a pesquisa se refere ? gest?o escolar, pautada em uma perspectiva democr?tica, comprometida com a promo??o da cidadania e a emancipa??o social, em oposi??o ? vertente gerencial da administra??o p?blica. Com rela??o aos instrumentos de investiga??o, utilizou-se a an?lise dos documentos que regulamentaram a elei??o para gestores escolares municiapis e entrevista semiestruturada. Para tanto, buscou-se conhecer, no ?mbito municipal, os documentos norteadores que incidiram diretamente na gest?o escolar, os instrumentos e inst?ncias que operacionalizam a gest?o democr?tica nas escolas da rede municipal, bem como as caracter?sticas e concep??es evidenciadas nos documentos legais. A an?lise dos dados, levantados nos documentos e nas entrevistas, inspirou-se na abordagem do Ciclo de Pol?ticas (contexto de influ?ncia e da produ??o do texto) baseado nos trabalhos de Stephen Ball e Richard Bowe, pesquisadores ingleses da ?rea de pol?tica educacional. Assim, adotou-se uma fundamenta??o te?rica pautada nos estudos de autores como: Bobbio (2000); Coutinho (2002); Paro (1998); Frigotto; Ciavatta (2003); Cury (2002); Sander (2005); Luck (2006), dentre outros. Os dados desta investiga??o revelaram que h? muitas barreiras no que tange ? verdadeira participa??o dos diferentes segmentos na gest?o da escola. Portanto, embora se observe um consider?vel avan?o no que se refere ?s a??es de participa??o coletiva nas unidades escolares com a realiza??o da elei??o para gestor escolar, ainda h? muito que fazer, para que a democratiza??o escolar seja uma realidade no munic?pio de Am?lia Rodrigues.

The aim of the present research is to advance a general predictive model of the social psychological processes underlying collective action in contexts where collective action is met with significant repression by the authorities. The model integrates the recent advancements in the collective action literature and examines the unique predictive role of anger and fear (emotional pathway), political, identity consolidation and participative efficacies (instrumental pathway), politicised identification (identity pathway) as well as moral obligation, over and above past participation. Moreover, the research investigates how perceived risk, due to government sanctions, shapes these antecedents and the willingness to engage in collective action. Five survey studies (Studies 1 to 5) test this model in various repressive contexts (i.e., Egypt, Hong Kong, Russia, Ukraine, and Turkey). In addition, one experimental study (Study 6) examines the causal relation between perceived risk and (a) the antecedents of collective action and (b) the action intentions in a British sample. The results confirm the intensifying role of perceived risk, whereby it indirectly spurs further resistance through shaping the antecedents of collective action. The results also suggest that protesters are intrinsically motivated to engage in collective action when placed under risk. Specifically, although not motivated by political efficacy, protesters are strategic as they are motivated by the likelihood to consolidate the identity of their protest movement and the likelihood of their own participation to incrementally contribute to achieving the desired goals. Moreover, they are emotional, politicised and dutiful as their outrage towards how the authorities treat the protesters, their identification with their protest movement, as well as their sense of moral responsibility encourage them to take action despite the risks.

Esta dissertação teve como objetivo compreender o processo histórico das ações coletivas dos surdos da Associação de Surdos de São Paulo (ASSP), entre os anos de 1950 a 2011, período que compreende a fundação desta instituição e a criação das Escolas Municipais de Educação Bilíngue para Surdos (Emebs) na capital paulista. Neste contexto, o estudo buscou entender como surgiram as ações coletivas e como elas se mantiveram no decorrer do período investigado. Desenvolvida à luz do marco teórico de Alberto Melucci (1989, 1994, 2001, 2004), a pesquisa, de cunho qualitativo, teve como principais procedimentos para a coleta de dados, o estudo de artigos, dissertações, teses e vídeos que versavam sobre movimentos sociais; documentos da ASSP disponibilizados pelos seus dirigentes; e duas entrevistas narrativas com dois ex-presidentes da instituição. Pode-se observar que as ações coletivas que culminaram na fundação da ASSP tiveram início na década de 1950, a partir do interesse dos surdos em ter um espaço de convivência e de prática esportiva. Este espaço, em continua interação com outros atores sociais, acabou por propiciar o fortalecimento de uma identidade coletiva e a formação política de muitos surdos, fato que motivou outras ações coletivas, que foram determinantes para a fundação da Confederação Brasileira de Desportos de Surdos (CBDS) e da Federação Nacional de Educação e Integração dos Surdos (Feneis). Nesta rede de relações que foram sendo estabelecidas no decorrer da história, a ASSP teve um papel de destaque nos movimentos surdos que visaram o reconhecimento da Libras e a defesa pela educação bilíngue para surdos, assim como na transformação das antigas Escolas Municipais de Educação Especial do município de São Paulo em Escolas Municipais Bilíngues para Surdos (Emebs). / This research aimed to understand the historical process of collective actions of the deaf of the Deaf Association of São Paulo (ASSP), between the years 1950-2011, a period that includes the founding of this institution and the creation of the Municipal Bilingual Education Schools for the Deaf people (Emebs) in the state capital. In this context, the study sought to understand how these collective actions arose and how they were maintained during the investigated period. Developed based on the theoretical framework of Alberto Melucci (1989, 1994, 2001, 2004), the research, qualitative nature, had as main procedures for data collection, the study articles, dissertations, theses and videos that focused on social movements; ASSP documents made available by its directors; and two narrative interviews with two former presidents of the institution. It can be observed that the collective actions that culminated in the founding of ASSP began in the 1950s, based on the interest of the deaf in having a living space and sports practice. This space, in continuous interaction with other social actors, eventually facilitated the strengthening of a collective identity and the political formation of many deaf, which led to other collective actions that were decisive for the founding of the Brazilian Confederation of Deaf Sports (CBDS) and the National Federation of Education and Integration of the Deaf (Feneis). This network of relationships that have been established throughout history, the ASSP had a prominent role in deaf movements that aimed at the recognition of the Brazilian Sign Language and advocacy for bilingual education for the deaf, as well as the transformation of the old Special Education Public Schools in São Paulo in Bilingual Public Schools for the Deaf (Emebs)

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-02-17T11:00:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tatiana Martins Alméri.pdf: 9762508 bytes, checksum: a179b1a39681c8b5273275af960f76b4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-17T11:00:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tatiana Martins Alméri.pdf: 9762508 bytes, checksum: a179b1a39681c8b5273275af960f76b4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-21 / The protests of 2013 and 2015 in Brazil mobilized crowds to the streets seeking to demonstrate their dissatisfaction regarding the political class. This mobilization was structured virtually and possible collective action. In order to analyze these actions, guided by the individual and collective interests, this research is justified by the legality of the action and particularly the relevance of the claims in question. The present search aims to structure an explanatory concept of actions, starting from the assumption that the demonstrators participate motivated by both interests individual and collective. Among the scientific methods were used the comparative method, analytical review, data analytics research, interpretative analytical research, data collection survey (opinion) and philosophical analytical research. The results are summarized in the lack of trust of the majority of the population and in one crisis of representation, both in the political context and the social / Os protestos de 2013 e 2015, no Brasil, mobilizaram multidões às ruas em busca de demonstrar suas insatisfações com relação à classe política. Essas mobilizações se estruturaram fundamentalmente de maneira virtual e com ações coletivas. Com o objetivo de analisar os porquês das ações coletivas, dos interesses individuais e coletivos, a presente pesquisa justifica-se pela legalidade da ação e, principalmente, pela relevância das reivindicações em questão. A hipótese tem o intuito de estruturar um conceito explicativo das ações, partindo-se do pressuposto de que os manifestantes participam motivados tanto por buscas individuais quanto coletivas. O recorte da população brasileira investigada foi a juventude, pois, conforme dados apresentados, esta é a faixa etária com maior mobilidade política e intelectual e anseia por mudanças. Dentre os métodos científicos, foram utilizados: o método comparativo, analítico de revisão, pesquisa analítica de dados, pesquisa analítica interpretativa, pesquisa de levantamento de dados (opinião) e pesquisa analítica filosófica. Os resultados encontrados, resumidamente, apontam que as ações coletivas ocorreram principalmente pela falta de confiança da maioria da população brasileira e pela uma de representatividade, tanto no contexto político como no social

Porto Alegre é uma cidade brasileira que apresenta particularidades significativas em termos de experiências políticas inovadoras, sendo um caso importante tanto em investigações nacionais quanto internacionais. Dessa forma, a presente tese se insere em uma agenda de pesquisas empíricas com foco nos formatos organizacionais existentes na sociedade civil brasileira. O objetivo desse trabalho é analisar as relações estabelecidas entre os regimes políticos e a dinâmica associativa na cidade de Porto Alegre, de 1930 até 2012. Para tanto, utilizamos uma base de dados inédita disponibilizada pelo cartório de registro civil da cidade, junto de fontes secundárias e bases auxiliares. Partimos da hipótese de que os regimes políticos mais democráticos ampliam e pluralizam o associativismo, enquanto nos regimes autoritários ocorre o contrário. Concluímos confirmando parcialmente nossa hipótese, mas demonstrando que o desenvolvimento associativo não se dá de maneira tão homogênea, pois alguns tipos de associações sofrem maiores alterações do que outros, em função das ameaças e das oportunidades existentes. / Porto Alegre is a Brazilian city which presents significant particularities in terms of innovative political experiences, being an important case in both national and international investigations. Thus, the present thesis is part of a empirical research agenda focusing on the organizational formats of Brazilian civil society. The main purpose of this work is to analyze the relations between political regimes and the associative dynamic in the city of Porto Alegre, from 1930 to 2012. Therefore, we use an unpublished database available by the city Civil Registry Office, with secondary sources and auxiliary data. Our hypothesis is that democratic political regimes expand and pluralize the associationism, while in the authoritarian regimes the opposite occurs. We conclude partially confirming our hypothesis, but showing that the development of associations does not occur in such a homogeneously way. We can see this once some kinds of associations have greater changes than others because of the threats and opportunities existing. / Porto Alegre es una ciudad brasileña que tiene características singulares en términos de experiencias políticas innovadoras, siendo un caso importante tanto en investigaciones nacionales cuanto internacionales. De esa forma, la presente tesis se insiere en una agenda de investigaciones con el foco en los formatos organizacionales de la sociedad civil brasileña. El objetivo de ese trabajo es analizar las relaciones establecidas entre los regímenes políticos y la dinámica asociativa en la ciudad de Porto Alegre, desde 1930 hasta 2012. Para eso, utilizamos una base de datos inédita concedida por el registro civil de la ciudad, junto de fuentes secundarias y bases auxiliares. Nuestra hipótesis es que los regímenes más democráticos amplían y pluralizan el asociacionismo, en cuanto en los regímenes autoritarios ocurre en contrario. Concluimos confirmando parcialmente nuestra hipótesis, pero mostrando que el desarrollo asociativo no ocurre de manera tan homogénea, pues algunos tipos de asociaciones sufren más alteraciones que otras, debido a las amenazas y oportunidades existentes.

Magister Philosophiae - MPhil (LAS) (Land and Agrarian Studies) / Government's decision to devolve irrigation management to farmers was partly influenced by international policy imperatives, which were propounded mainly by institutions associated with the Consultative Group for International Agricultural Research (CGIAR) and the inability by the government to continue funding operation and maintenance costs. The central question of the study is to understand the effects of Irrigation Management Transfer (IMT) on productivity, operation and maintenance in the Mamina Irrigation Scheme. Interviews with various primary and secondary stakeholders that included the irrigators, local political leadership and locally-based agriculture extension officers were carried out. The interviews were aimed at getting an insight on land tenure, participation and representation of women, water and electricity supply system and pricing, effects of irrigation management arrangements on equity and productivity, understanding the irrigators' food security status, operation and maintenance arrangement after Irrigation Management Transfer (IMT). Findings of this study suggest that the existing governance arrangements have partly led to low crop productivity, increased water and electricity bill arrears, poor water distribution, change to uneconomic plot sizes, unsustainable increase in the number of irrigators, failure to organise for operation and maintenance. The key factors influencing the poor performance include poor collaboration, pumping system that utilised more electricity, inability of the irrigators to replace leaky pipes, failure of the irrigators to contribute towards electricity and water bills, failure of the irrigators to contribute towards operation and maintenance. The study identified nine challenges that affected the success of IMT. The challenges that lay at the heart of Mamina irrigation scheme were mainly caused by the poor irrigation technology design, pricing structure of electricity, water permit system, inequalities in water distribution, low gender participation and representation, non-availability of formal markets for certain crops, food insecurity, plot alloction and land disputes. Poverty analysis has shown that the irrigators' ability to escape from poverty or food insecurity is critically dependent upon their access to assets. Different assets are required to achieve different livelihood outcomes. The cycle of accumulation of utility bill arrears continued even after devolution because the same defective irrigation infrastructure was transferred to the irrigators. In the case of Mamina irrigation scheme, modernisation of the scheme was required to achieve different livelihood outcomes, but because this did not happen the recurrent utility bill arrears, low productivity and food insecurity continued to be a very serious challenge even after IMT.

This thesis investigates the role of network structure, brokerage, and framing in high-risk collective action. I use the protest movement that emerged in Russia following falsified national elections in 2011 and 2012 as an empirical case study. I draw on a unique dataset of nearly 30,000 online documents and the linking structure of over 3,500 Russian Web sites. I employ a range of computational social science methods, including Exponential Random Graph Modeling, an advanced statistical model for social networks, social network analysis, machine learning, and latent semantic analysis. I address three research questions in this thesis. The first asks if a protest network challenging a hybrid regime will have a polycentric or hierarchical structure, and if that structure changes over time. Polycentric networks are conducive to high-risk collective action and are robust to the targeted removal of key nodes, while hierarchical networks can more easily mobilize protesters and spread information. I find that the Russian protest network has a polycentric structure only at the beginning of the protests, and moves towards a less effective hierarchical structure as the movement loses popular support. The second research question seeks to understand if brokered text is actually novel, and if that text is more novel in polycentric networks than in hierarchical ones. Brokers are the individuals or nodes in a network that connect disparate groups through weak ties and close structural holes. Brokers are advantageous because they have access to and spread novel information. I find that the text among nodes in brokered relationships is indeed novel, but that information novelty decreases when networks have a hierarchical structure. The last research question asks if a protest movement in a high-risk political setting can be more successful than the government at spreading its preferred frames, and within such a movement, whether moderate or extremist framing is more prevalent. I find that the opposition is far more effective than the government in spreading its frames, even when the government organizes massive counter protests. Within the movement, moderates are more likely to have their framing adopted online than extremists, unless violence occurs at protests. The findings suggest that movements should build flatter, more diffuse networks by ensuring that brokers tie together diverse protest constituencies. The findings also provide evidence against those who claim that authoritarian governments are more effective in shaping online discourse than oppositional movements, and also suggest that movements should advance moderate framing in order to attract a wider base of support among the general population.