Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-04-18Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:43:45Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 pandolfi_fc_dr_assis.pdf: 1025927 bytes, checksum: b9e63a22c42fec02050782116e872770 (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Esta tese postula que a Abdicação do rei d. Pedro I que governou o Brasil durante nove anos - de 1822 até 7 de abril de 1831, quando abdicou em favor de seu filho d. Pedro II - resultou, sobretudo, da ampliação do espaço público na sociedade brasileira. Tal ampliação decorreu fundamentalmente de uma liberdade de imprensa considerável nesse momento, propiciando o aparecimento de inúmeros periódicos na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, cujos redatores pertenciam às elites políticas e às camadas médias da sociedade carioca. Através da análise de periódicos, pasquins, memórias, atas e cartas, pode-se reconstituir de que forma a política mobilizou um público mais amplo. Foi possível identificar os significados e as apropriações do liberalismo na sociedade brasileira do século XIX, bem como sua contribuição para um acontecimento tão singular na história de um país: a saída de um rei de seu governo. Dessa forma, a imprensa estabelecia identidades políticas, ampliava a participação das pessoas no debate político, influenciava e era influenciada pela opinião pública. As acusações ao governo de d. Pedro I ser anti-nacional, de proteger os portugueses e de almejar a recolonização do Brasil, eram feitas por grupos que atuavam na imprensa e que se colocavam como brasileiros e patrióticos. O acirramento das disputas políticas entre segmentos populares que iam se agrupando como brasileiros versus portugueses, anulou qualquer possibilidade de uma recomposição de forças com as elites por parte de d. Pedro I. No que se refere a participação das camadas populares, pode-se identificar, mesmo que de forma episódica e circunstancial, como estas, por exemplo os militares de baixa patente, vivenciaram esse momento político e quais seus interesses específicos. Essa análise fornece elementos para... / This thesis postulates that the Abdication of the king d. Pedro I that governed Brazil for nine years - since 1822, year of the Independence of Brazil, to April 7, 1831, when he abdicated in favor of his 7 year-old son Pedro II - resulted mainly of the enlargement of the public space in the Brazilian society in that time. Such enlargement resulted fundamentally of a considerable press freedom, which allowed the emergence of countless newspapers in the city of Rio de Janeiro, whose editors belonged to the political elites and to the medium segments of the Rio de Janeiro's society. Through the analysis of newspapers, lampoons, memoirs, minutes and letters, it was possible to understand how a wider public could be mobilized in the process. It was also possible to identify the meanings and the appropriations of the liberal ideology in the 19th century Brazilian society, as well as its contribution for such a singular event in the history of a country: a king deposition. In that process, the press established political identities, enlarged the people's participation in the political debate, and influenced and was influenced by the public opinion. The accusations to the d. Pedro I to be anti-national, of protecting the Portuguese and of wanting the re-colonization of Brazil, were done by groups that acted in the press and that considered themselves as Brazilian and patriotic. The worsening of the political disputes among popular segments known as Brazilians versus Portugueses, prevented any possibility of a composition of forces among the elites and d. Pedro I. As far as the participation of the popular segments, we identified, even if in an episodic and incidental form, how they participated of the events and which were their specific interests. That analysis gave elements for, in futures works, further studies emphasizing the clientelistic character of the Brazilian society in the XIXth century.

Orientador: José Carlos Barreiro / Banca: Jurandir Malerba / Banca: Fátima Maria Neves / Banca: Tania Regina de Luca / Banca: Claudinei Magno Magre Mendes / Resumo: Esta tese postula que a Abdicação do rei d. Pedro I que governou o Brasil durante nove anos - de 1822 até 7 de abril de 1831, quando abdicou em favor de seu filho d. Pedro II - resultou, sobretudo, da ampliação do espaço público na sociedade brasileira. Tal ampliação decorreu fundamentalmente de uma liberdade de imprensa considerável nesse momento, propiciando o aparecimento de inúmeros periódicos na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, cujos redatores pertenciam às elites políticas e às camadas médias da sociedade carioca. Através da análise de periódicos, pasquins, memórias, atas e cartas, pode-se reconstituir de que forma a política mobilizou um público mais amplo. Foi possível identificar os significados e as apropriações do liberalismo na sociedade brasileira do século XIX, bem como sua contribuição para um acontecimento tão singular na história de um país: a saída de um rei de seu governo. Dessa forma, a imprensa estabelecia identidades políticas, ampliava a participação das pessoas no debate político, influenciava e era influenciada pela opinião pública. As acusações ao governo de d. Pedro I ser anti-nacional, de proteger os portugueses e de almejar a recolonização do Brasil, eram feitas por grupos que atuavam na imprensa e que se colocavam como "brasileiros" e "patrióticos". O acirramento das disputas políticas entre segmentos populares que iam se agrupando como "brasileiros" versus "portugueses", anulou qualquer possibilidade de uma recomposição de forças com as elites por parte de d. Pedro I. No que se refere a participação das camadas populares, pode-se identificar, mesmo que de forma episódica e circunstancial, como estas, por exemplo os militares de baixa patente, vivenciaram esse momento político e quais seus interesses específicos. Essa análise fornece elementos para... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This thesis postulates that the Abdication of the king d. Pedro I that governed Brazil for nine years - since 1822, year of the Independence of Brazil, to April 7, 1831, when he abdicated in favor of his 7 year-old son Pedro II - resulted mainly of the enlargement of the public space in the Brazilian society in that time. Such enlargement resulted fundamentally of a considerable press freedom, which allowed the emergence of countless newspapers in the city of Rio de Janeiro, whose editors belonged to the political elites and to the medium segments of the Rio de Janeiro's society. Through the analysis of newspapers, lampoons, memoirs, minutes and letters, it was possible to understand how a wider public could be mobilized in the process. It was also possible to identify the meanings and the appropriations of the liberal ideology in the 19th century Brazilian society, as well as its contribution for such a singular event in the history of a country: a king deposition. In that process, the press established political identities, enlarged the people's participation in the political debate, and influenced and was influenced by the public opinion. The accusations to the d. Pedro I to be anti-national, of protecting the Portuguese and of wanting the re-colonization of Brazil, were done by groups that acted in the press and that considered themselves as "Brazilian" and "patriotic". The worsening of the political disputes among popular segments known as "Brazilians" versus "Portugueses", prevented any possibility of a composition of forces among the elites and d. Pedro I. As far as the participation of the popular segments, we identified, even if in an episodic and incidental form, how they participated of the events and which were their specific interests. That analysis gave elements for, in futures works, further studies emphasizing the clientelistic character of the Brazilian society in the XIXth century. / Doutor

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Le but premier de ce mémoire est de répondre à la question suivante : « Comment est-il possible pour un individu humain de penser ? ». Nous avons vu en la philosophie de Hegel, où la pensée se comprend comme une singularisation absolue d'une universalité absolue, une solution à ce problème. Le plan qui sera suivie au cours de ce mémoire se divise en trois moments. Dans un premier temps, nous avons analysé le concept d'universalité. Ensuite, nous nous sommes penché sur la pensée elle-même, pour la comprendre et la circonscrire. Enfin, nous avons abordé la relation entre cette pensée universelle et un individu humain, ce qui répond à notre question initiale et clôt notre recherche.

La thématisation hégélienne de la société civile bourgeoise vise un double objectif: le) établir hors de tout doute le caractère historique de la société civile bourgeoise qui se présentait au début du XIXe siècle comme un absolu; 2e) empêcher que ne s'érige sur elle un Etat qui serait uniquement son prolongement et sa confirmation. Hegel souligne à quel point cette société est marquée par le sceau de la culture, au sens d'une affirmation de plus en plus grande de l'universel, présent d'abord en soi dans le système des besoins, puis pour soi ou réfléchi dans l'administration de la justice et, enfin devenu en soi-pour soi ou universel concret particulier au niveau de la police et de la corporation. La société civile bourgeoise est d'autre part déchirée par des contradictions: affinement et multiplication des besoins, mais travail de plus en plus abstrait et Spinoza par lui-même, et à sa propre défense, comme le titre l'indique, mais davantage peut-être le spinozisme selon l'enseignement général qu'en a fait Hegel. La critique repose essentiellement sur le texte des Leçons sur l'histoire de la philosophie où sont implicitement comparées les idées fondamentales propres aux œuvres des deux penseurs. Spinoza et Hegel, chacun dans leur temps, peuvent être qualifiés comme des philosophes du primat ontologique de l'être. A leurs manières, ils ont associé l'être à une vision "intuitive" ou "absolue". C'est dans les conséquences d'une conpréhension et d'un langage différents qu'ils ont élaboré une archéo-logie des origines de l'Idée comme telos à toute gnoséologie du savoir sur l'essence des res : Ce savoir est en relation vitale à la vision universelle du monde. Elaborée en quatre chapitres, la thèse indique, en premier lieu, les méthodes cognitives spinoziennes et hégéliennes. Sont confrontées la méthode "déductive" et "géométrique" de Spinoza face au développement du concept hégélien basé sur un savoir absolu. L'œuvre more geometrica demonstrata tend à dévoiler les possibilités de l'entendement à travers la Raison et la Science intuitive. La substance infinie (Dieu) peut alors être saisie intuitivement telle qu'elle est, par ses attributs, dans son essence. En revanche, de ce savoir considéré comme fixe et donné d'avance, l'auteur de La phénoménologie de l'esprit développera plutôt une conception qui repose sur le développement du concept selon un procédé dialectique, où l'absolu est en mouvement total au lieu d'être le telos même. Par la suite, sont étudiés, de façon générale, les différents aspects de la critique hégélienne qui se manifeste dans les "Leçons". Le chapitre deuxième indique le fondement méthodique du commentaire quand Hegel lui-même éprouve le spinozisme dans ses fondements. C'est face aux premiers axiomes et propositions "axiomatiques" qu'il trace l'idée globale du commentaire pour s'assurer de l'intuition essentielle que représente le spinozisme mais aussi pour fonder la base d'une explicitation générale. Hegel passe ensuite aux interprétations de la thématique spinozienne. Dans la partie précédente, l'attention portait sur le savoir spinozien; si toute res a une cause et que le tout vient avant la partie alors, en termes différents, une substance est, par nature, antérieure à ses affection. Mais dans ce chapitre-ci, le spinozisme n'est plus envisagé selon son fondement conceptuel ; il est directement éprouvé à partir des définitions et des propositions de l'Ethique. Hegel va du théorique au pratique en élaborant une conception particulière, du sens de l'Ethique dans l'influence de sa Phénoménologie. Le but est de distinguer quels sont les propos purement spinoziens et lesquels reviennent à Hegel; pour celui-ci, il s'agit d'un enseignement sur Spinoza où ses paroles chevauchent constamment ceux de l'auteur de l'Ethique. Finalement, une dernière partie qui repose sur la conception morale où est éprouvée la thématique spinozienne sous son caractère plus "spécifiquement" éthique. Basé sur le dernier livre de l'Ethique (De la liberté de l'homme), qui est l'expression et la conclusion implicite de ceux qui précèdent, ce livre montre dans des contextes synthétiques, comment l'homme, selon son âme (livre II) dans l'idée de Dieu (livre I) peut se libérer de ses affections (livre III) qui sont à la base de la servitude humaine (livre IV). Spinoza s'engage à démontrer que dans l'idée de Dieu, dans l'idée adéquate de l'être le plus parfait, l'affection, qui est une idée imaginative du corps, n'a plus sa raison d'être. Son "Ethique" est thématiquement légitime en autant que l'idée de Dieu est acceptée comme donnée d'avance et que le fini est perçu comme une conception inadéquate (imaginative) de l'être. Evidemment la conception spinozienne de l'Ethique ira quelque peu en contradiction avec le développement du concept hégélien; cette dernière partie du texte de Hegel donnera lieuà d'intéressantes divergences thématiques.

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John Forbes White's contribution to the history of Art in Scotland was, for the first seventy years after his death, mentioned only in passing by the main writers on Scottish art of the day. However, two of his daughters, Ina Mary Harrower and Dorothea Fyfe, both wrote articles on aspects of their father's collecting: Ina publishing "Private Picture Galleries, The Collection of John Forbes White" in Goodwords in 1896 (pp 813-819), John Forbes White (Edinburgh) in 1918 and in 1927, "Jozef lsraels and his Aberdeen Friend" for the Aberdeen University Review (pp 108-122). A noted art historian, Ina reflected her father's taste and collecting interests in her own writings, as with, for example, "Studies of Fruit by Courbet" Apollo (Vol. L No 296 1949 pp 95-98). Dorothea, with her co-author C.S. Minto, published John Forbes White, Miller, Collector, Photographer 1831-1904 (Edinburgh 1970). The only other writers who have examined White's contribution to art in any detail were Charles Carter, who as curator of Aberdeen Art Gallery, covered art and patronage in the North-East of Scotland in numerous articles and outlined White's contribution in "Art Patronage in Scotland: John Forbes White" published in the Scottish Art Review,(Vol VI, no 2, 1957, pp. 27-30). Frances Fowle, on completion of her PhD on Alexander Reid, also discussed White's tastes in "The Hague School and the Scots, A Taste for Dutch Pictures" (Apollo August 1991 pp 108-111). George Reid was still less favoured by critics after his death. With J.L. Caw championing James Guthrie and William MacTaggart, the innovative and influential aspects of Reid's art were obscured, reduced and even sometimes credited to others. W.D. McKay in The Scottish School of Painting (London 1906) had played down Reid's part in the introduction of Realism into Scotland and Agnes McKay in her monograph on Arthur Melville (Lee on Sea, 1951) went furthest of all in portraying Reid as the enemy of a younger, more innovative group of artists, who included the subject of her book. It was to be another thirty years before Dun can Macmillan would examine Reid, in Scottish Art 1460-1990 (Mainstream, 1990) as an important landscape painter, rather than, as had been the case before, as a reactionary president of the Royal Scottish Academy and an extremely dull, if talented, portrait painter. One year later John Morrison, having completed his PhD Rural Nostalgia: Painting in XIX Scotland c.1860-1880 (St Andrews 1989) wrote of Reid's important European contacts and of the vital relationship between White and Reid in "Sir George Reid in Holland, his work with G.A. Mollinger and Jozef Israels" (Jong Holland 1991 No 4 pp 10-19). Both the assets and the faults of Alexander Macdonald's collecting were examined by Charles Carter in "Alexander Macdonald 1837-1884 - Aberdeen Art Collector" (Scottish Art Review, Vol V, no 3, 1955, pp. 23-28) and again by Francina Irwin in an exhibition catalogue entitled Alexander Macdonald: From Mason to Maecenas in 1985. My main source of material has come from the uncatalogued archive of correspondence between George Reid, John Forbes White, Jozef Israels, George Paul Chalmers, David Artz, Gerrit Mollinger, Samuel Smiles and others, most of which is housed in Aberdeen Art Gallery. Reid's unpublished autobiography, transcribed by his wife Mia, (in the same archive) was also of great use, as was an unpublished but almost complete catalogue raisonne of Reid's work, compiled, probably by Percy Bate or Harry Townend c.1912. I have also made extensive use of the papers of James Pittendrigh Macgillivray which are held by The National Library of Scotland. The descendants of John Forbes White made the works and letters in their possession freely available to me. These included the correspondence between John Forbes White and William Stott of Oldham which is cited in Chapter 6. Elements of this thesis, and particularly sections 2,3, & 4 of Chapter 4, appeared in a revised form in "Art and Patronage in Aberdeen 1860-1920", a paper that I delivered at the Scottish Society of Art History's conference on Patronage, and which was published in The Journal of the Scottish Society for Art Historians (Volume 3 1998 pp 16-24). The sixth section of Chapter 5 appeared in a revised form, in An Album of Photographs compiled by Sir John Everett Millais PRA published in Studies in Photography (Edinburgh, 1997). The discussion of the influence of Ancient Greece and Classicism in the eighth section of Chapter 7 was included in a paper entitled John Forbes White, The Classical Tradition and Ideals In Art given at the conference on "The Role of Collections In The Scottish Cultural Tradition", which was held at Aberdeen University in 1998. The third section of Chapter 7 appeared in a revised form in Robert Brough (Aberdeen Art Gallery, 1995). Appendix A contains relevant excerpts from letters and text, on which much of my research was based whilst Appendix B lists the works of art owned by John Forbes White.

Tesis para optar al grado de Magister en Filosofía mención en Axiología y Filosofía Política. / El problema que intentaré esbozar en las páginas que siguen intenta una reflexión sobre la noción de comunidad, como mundo ético, es decir mundo en el que se dan las relaciones intersubjetivas. Problema presente en las diferentes reflexiones actuales y que conlleva a pensar por el sentido bajo el cual estamos pensando eso común sea como reunión, como esencia común (bien) o como un no lugar entre los hombres que entrega la posibilidad de considerar aquello que ponemos en común (don) comunidad de lo no común (ficción). Con ello me interesa ir por otra vía que aquella que distingue la esfera intersubjetiva como el problema político planteado por las posturas comunitaristas y liberales. El problema que abordo en esta tesis se da desde una perspectiva que podríamos llamar “trascendental”, es decir pensar la comunidad en base a un cierto principio articulador.

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Este trabalho constitui uma análise histórico-antropológica de duas obras do médico, fisiólogo e antropólogo italiano Paolo Mantegazza (1831-1910). Trata-se, principalmente, de abordar o seu trabalho de escrita sobre o Amor. Pretende-se descrever como o autor, sobretudo em seu trabalho antropológico, introduz elementos à pesquisa do campo da sexualidade que não estavam na pauta de discussão de antropólogos que trabalhavam a partir do evolucionismo cultural; bem como as maneiras como Mantegazza apresenta certos problemas que serão longamente trabalhados por sexólogos e outros cientistas no decorrer dos séculos XX e XXI. Para isso, busca-se refletir em que medida seus argumentos estavam inseridos em um campo de conhecimento dividido entre as determinações da “natureza” e aquelas da “cultura” na classificação da vida social e que elementos de diferentes “ciências” o autor mobilizou para a formulação desses argumentos. A partir dessa discussão, intenciona-se problematizar uma forma específica do fazer antropológico no século XIX e a constituição da noção de evolucionismo tanto como um conceito fronteira quanto como uma ampla teoria que, junto ao Amor, tornaram possível dissertar sobre o sexo. / This work is a historical-anthropological analysis of two books of the Italian physician, physiologist and anthropologist Paolo Mantegazza (1831-1910). It is intended to describe how the author, especially in his anthropological work, introduces elements of research in the field of sexuality that were not in the agenda of anthropologists who worked from the cultural evolution; well as the ways Mantegazza presents certain problems that are extensively worked by sexologists and other scientists over the XX and XXI centuries. For this, we seek to reflect the extent to which his arguments were entered in a field of knowledge shared between the determinations of "nature" and those of "culture" in the classification of social life and how elements of different "sciences" was mobilized for the author to the formulation of these arguments. From this discussion, it intends problematize a specific way of doing anthropology in the nineteenth century and the establishment of the notion of evolution both as a concept and as a wide border theory, next to Love, made possible speak about sex.