As Matthew Arnold saw the philosophies of the classical ancients as touchstones for evaluating the new political and social philosophies of his own time, Arnold himself has served as a "touchstone" for historians who must evaluate the political and social events of the Victorian Age. Arnold made many comments about the three great Prime Ministers of his time: Lord Palmerston, Benjamin Disraeli, and William E. Gladstone, and about the policies of their respective administrations. Arnold's point of view toward these men is reflected in personal letters to members of his family and in his most significant political works, Culture and Anarchy and Friendship's Garland. In the study that follows, these selections are examined in terms of the three Prime Ministers. Chapter I is an introduction to Arnold's political philosophy and an account of Arnold's comments about Disraeli, for of the three, Arnold had the least to say about Disraeli. Arnold dwells almost exclusively on differences he has with the government, and he found less to disagree with in Disraeli's policies than with the others. Arnold's reactions to Disraeli were more personal in nature than political. Chapter II deals with Lord Palmerston's administration and with key events and people associated with it. Chapter III deals more specifically with Culture and Anarchy and with political and social events that served as a background for Arnold's commentary. Finally, Chapter IV concentrates on the Gladstone years, concluding with Arnold's assessment of the Liberal party and its leader in "The Nadir of Liberalism."

El llamado discurso indigenista es una de las contribuciones clave en la formación de una modernidad periférica en América Latina, ya que le otorga un carácter de localización (geocultura) a lo latinoamericano. Esto supone una comprensión de “lo indígena” como una presencia recalcitrante en el discurso de nuestra modernidad regional, oculto, negado, excluido, recuperado. Lo indígena es lo que se presume que no puede hablar por sí mismo, que es por un lado una parte oculta de la nación y por el otro su “afuera”, su exterioridad.

Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales) / La presente tesis muestra un camino posible para la configuración del Poder Constituyente Originario en el contexto democrático del Chile actual. Para lo cual, se recurre a las Actas de las sesiones de La Comisión de Estudios de la Nueva Constitución Política de la República de Chile, en donde quedaría plasmada la visión de constituir a la nueva institución del presidente de la República como el conductor de la vida nacional en diversos plano, uno de ellos, el plano social. Para lograr aquel objetivo, se establecería la ampliación de la potestad presidencial por intermedio del Reglamento Autónomo, el cual pasaría a comprender todas aquellas materias que no son propias del dominio legal. Es esa nueva configuración de la autoridad presidencial y la concepción doctrinaria del Poder Constituyente, lo que permitiría crear un nexo entre ambas figuras. Y donde las concepciones doctrinarias mismas del Poder Constituyente desde su vertiente democrática, permiten configurar una serie de criterios para un uso no arbitrario de una atribución que bien podría de desembocar en autoritarismos, como bien lo enseña nuestra historia nacional. Junto a aquel análisis doctrinario, se efectúa una serie de referencia a análisis político de la actual situación democrática que viviría el país, y un análisis de las reales posibilidades de materialización de la tesis aquí propuesta

Esta tesis relaciona la conducta antagónica que el presidente Alberto Fujimori mantuvo con el MRTA durante la crisis de los rehenes, ocurrida entre el 17 de diciembre de 1996 y el 22 de abril de 1997, con algunos conceptos conservadores del jurista y filósofo alemán Carl Schmitt, particularmente el de la distinción amigo-enemigo. Si bien Fujimori no fue precisamente cultor de las ideas schmittianas, sí lo fueron muchos de sus colaboradores en el poder, entre políticos, militares y miembros de los servicios de inteligencia. El desconocimiento de Fujimori no sería una desventaja: según Julien Freund, la decisión del gobernante y la distinción amigo-enemigo de Schmitt se miden por sus resultados. Fujimori entorpeció la labor de los garantes y de los organismos nacionales e internacionales que apostaban por una solución pacífica. Además, ideó operativos armados que no se ejecutaron, construyó los túneles que después posibilitaron el rescate y hostigó militarmente al MRTA, antes de formalizar el diálogo con los emerretistas. El MRTA era un enemigo al que había que derrotar y eliminar, y no un equivalente con el que se podía dialogar o negociar. Las acciones de Fujimori tejieron un tropismo hacia la solución violenta, y eso quedó evidenciado públicamente. Este trabajo se justifica en la trascendencia histórica y política del suceso, y porque en el Perú, las acciones militares siempre son debatidas bajo perspectivas liberales y no conservadoras. Metodológicamente se recurrió a la revisión histórica de prensa y literatura referidas al secuestro, y también a entrevistas a politólogos y juristas, con el fin de identificar rasgos schmittianos en las acciones que Fujimori desarrolló contra el MRTA. Basado en la distinción amigo-enemigo de Schmitt, podría decirse que la enemistad entre el Estado y el MRTA se fue agravando con el tiempo, y que el punto más alto de esa conflictividad fue la operación militar Chavín de Huántar, diseñada desde Palacio de Gobierno con la orden de no dejar sobrevivientes. Esta tesis sostiene que el gobierno (o Fujimori) jamás deseó una salida pacífica, sino la eliminación total del enemigo. Dentro de esa lógica, la ejecución extrajudicial de emerretistas rendidos es perfectamente posible, tal como determinaron investigaciones del Ministerio Público y de la policía. Ciertamente, el pensamiento schmittiano podría justificar una decisión tan radical como esa, siempre y cuando el soldado que tomó la decisión de jalar el gatillo haya afrontado un contexto excepcional de apremio y de peligro que pusiera en riesgo su vida, la de sus compañeros o la de los objetivos del rescate. / Tesis

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-03-28T10:25:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Vitor da Matta Vivolo.pdf: 20931566 bytes, checksum: ed0cc27b6bd567e94009c3f1926509b6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-28T10:25:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vitor da Matta Vivolo.pdf: 20931566 bytes, checksum: ed0cc27b6bd567e94009c3f1926509b6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The present work aims to investigate Gastão Cruls (1888-1959), an author of medical short stories and novels in the first half of the 20th century. Through a study of his biography, gathered from documents of his family’s personal collection and his works – specially Coivara (1920), A Amazonia Mysteriosa (1925), Elsa e Helena (1927), Vertigem (1934) e De Pai a Filho (1954) – we aim to reveal polyphonic dimensions of discourse between his historical subject, his fictional work and his own historical period. Our approach is essentially Bakhtinian which allows Gastão Cruls to be a great historiographic object of study considering that he composes a historical personality as the member of an extensive spectrum of social relationships and practices. Metaphorically, we could draw a comparison between him and an intersection point: intertwined with a remarkable visibility in Brazilian intellectual elite, also intersected by plethora of multiple interests and interdisciplinary actor in publishing segments. We observed that the overlapping of his personal, historical and fictitious spheres revealed historical features of the medical training during Rio de Janeiro’s Belle Époque: doctors and patient’s daily routines, human suffering in clinical conditions according to Medicine of his time, the national discussions concerning the future of Brazil and even the inception of psychoanalysis into Brazilian Medicine. Those are the kind of historical issues discussed in his fictitious works / A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo investigar Gastão Cruls (1888-1959), autor de contos e romances de teor médico na primeira metade do século XX. Através de sua vida, por nós rastreada por documentos de seu acervo familiar pessoal, e suas obras - especialmente Coivara (1920), A Amazonia Mysteriosa (1925), Elsa e Helena (1927), Vertigem (1934) e De Pai a Filho (1954) - procurarmos revelar dimensões discursivas polifônicas entre sujeito histórico, sua obra fictícia e seu próprio tempo. Nossa abordagem é essencialmente bakhtiniana, tornando Gastão Cruls uma ótima possibilidade de objeto historiográfico, pois compõe uma personalidade histórica que era membro de um largo espectro de convívio e de atuação. Metaforicamente, podemos adotar sua comparação a um ponto de intersecção: perpassado por correntes de destaque notável na elite intelectual brasileira, também cruzado por uma gama de interesses múltiplos e atuante interdisciplinar em segmentos de publicação. Pudemos observar que a sobreposição de tais âmbitos pessoais, históricos e fictícios, nos relevaram questões históricas referentes à formação médica na Belle Époque carioca, o quotidiano de doutores e pacientes, o sofrimento humano nas condições clínicas segundo a medicina da época, as discussões nacionais concernentes ao futuro do país e a até mesmo a entrada da psicanálise na medicina brasileira. São tais as questões históricas discutidas em suas obras fictícias

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-29T19:33:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Duque Estrada Campos.pdf: 1420665 bytes, checksum: 326b11838022c4c903158ca076b460d6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-29T19:33:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Duque Estrada Campos.pdf: 1420665 bytes, checksum: 326b11838022c4c903158ca076b460d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation thesis analyses the process of intellectual reception of Carl Schmitt in Critical Security Studies. Drawing upon the methodological discussion on the history of ideas, we question the typical bifurcation between textualism and contextualism as univocal principles of interpretation of the meaning of texts. Relevant to our analysis is not only to identify what the controversial German jurist really meant to say in his texts, but that its meaning is also conditioned by the use that is made out of it, of what one can make Schmitt “say” concerning the reception of his thought. What have been the uses of Carl Schmitt in Critical Security Studies and what structure of presuppositions and interests condition the social reading of the thinker in the area? To answer such questions, the first chapter offers a brief introduction to Schmitt’s thought, with a special attention to his “international” thinking. The second chapter analyses the first reception venue of Schmitt in Critical Security Studies, where it developed a negative hermeneutics in the debates about securitization theory and the normative need to depart from the ‘Schmittean logic’ of security; the second chapter analyses the second reception venue, which involves the critique to a universal and intrinsic concept of security. To the authors of this line of interpretation, the critique of Schmitt’s theoretical framework on sovereign decisionism and the concept of the political would allow to shift the fixed grammar of security towards a more progressive and emancipative terms; the last chapter analyses the individual appropriation of Schmitt by Andreas Behnke, who developed the last reception venue until the present moment. Escaping the negative hermeneutics, Behnke builds a new Schmittean analytical framework for security, which expands on Schmitt’s bibliographical horizon and criticizes the predominantly liberal premises of Critical Security Studies / A dissertação analisa o processo de recepção de Carl Schmitt nos Estudos Críticos de Segurança. Com base na discussão metodológica da história das ideias, problematizamos a bifurcação típica entre textualismo e contextualismo como princípiosunívocosde interpretação do significado dos textos. Relevante para nossa análise não é identificar apenas o que o controverso jurista alemão realmente quis dizer em seus textos, mas ofato de que o significado de suaobra está também condicionado ao uso que se faz dela, e do que se pode fazê-la“falar” com base na recepção do pensamentode Schmitt. Quais os usos de Carl Schmitt nos Estudos Críticos de Segurança e que estruturas de pressuposições e interesses condicionam a leitura do pensador na área? Para responder tal pergunta, o primeiro capítulo oferece uma breve introdução ao pensamento de Schmitt, com especial atenção ao seu ‘pensamento internacional’. O segundo capítulo analisa a primeira via de recepção de Schmitt nos Estudos Críticos de Segurança, onde se construiu uma hermenêutica negativa no âmbito dos debates sobre a teoria da securitização e a necessidade normativa de se afastar da “lógica schmitteana” da segurança; o terceiro capítulo analisa a segunda via de recepção de Schmitt, que envolve críticas a uma concepção universal e intrínseca da segurança. Para os autores desta linha interpretativa, a crítica ao arcabouço teórico de Schmitt sobre o decisionismo soberano e o conceito do político permitiria deslocar a gramática fixa da segurança em termos mais progressistas e emancipadores; o último capítulo analisa a apropriação individual de Andreas Behnke da obra de Schmitt, que constitui a última via derecepção (até o presente momento) do autor nos ECS. Fugindo da hermenêutica negativa, Behnke critica o que considera a leitura reducionistade Schmitt nos ECS e constrói um novo marco analítico schmitteano da segurança, que expande o lequebibliográfico de Schmitt e critica as premissas liberais da maior parte dos ECS

Lau Kin-wai. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 101-109). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.ii / 論文摘要 --- p.iii / Acknowledgements --- p.iv / Introduction: Reading Joyce and Eliot with Baudelaire in View --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter One： --- The City in Literary Representation / Chapter 1. --- The City and its Streets in a Literary and Cultural Context --- p.8 / Chapter 2. --- "Writing (about) the Modern City: ""Joycity"" and Eliot's Cities" --- p.15 / Chapter Chapter Two： --- The City and the Flaneur / Chapter 1. --- Origins and Characteristics of the Baudelairean Flaneur --- p.21 / Chapter 2. --- From Baudelaire to Joyce and Eliot --- p.25 / Chapter Chapter Three： --- In Search of the Joycean/ Eliotian Flaneur / Chapter 1. --- Voices in the City: Personae and Their Perspectives --- p.31 / Chapter 2. --- Literary Reincarnation and the Tradition of Flanerie --- p.33 / Chapter a. --- Stephen and Daedalus --- p.35 / Chapter b. --- Prufrock and Dante --- p.39 / Chapter c. --- Bloom and Odysseus --- p.43 / Chapter d. --- Tiresias as Ancient and Modern --- p.46 / Chapter Chapter Four： --- Flanerie and Two Faces of Unreality of the City / Chapter 1. --- Cities as States of Mind --- p.49 / Chapter a. --- Eliot's Unreal City 1 --- p.50 / Chapter b. --- Joyce's Unreal Dublin 1 --- p.56 / Chapter 2. --- Wandering in the City with the Dead --- p.61 / Chapter a. --- Eliot's Unreal City II --- p.63 / Chapter b. --- Joyce's Unreal Dublin II --- p.68 / Chapter Chapter Five: --- Flanerie in a Wider Context of the Society / Chapter 1. --- Flanerie as an Asocial Act --- p.72 / Chapter 2. --- The Flaneur and the Familiar Stranger --- p.82 / Chapter 3. --- The Erotic as Sociality --- p.85 / Conclusion： Flanerie and the Emergence of a Critical Vision --- p.95 / Works Cited --- p.101

"Grace Wick: Portrait of a Right-Wing Extremist" is a biography of an American woman who lived between 1888 and 1958. Wick grew up in a small midwestern town, but as a young woman broke away from small town tradition by moving to the city to pursue a career as an actress in the theater and in silent movies. In the course of her acting career she traveled across North America and had the opportunity to associate with people from all walks of life. As an actress, she was able to achieve an autonomy enjoyed by few women during the 1910s and early 1920s. She also developed into a political activist, organizing campaign rallies for candidates, crusading to extend women's freedom, and was an active participant in mainline politics. However, as a middle-aged woman during the late 1930s, Wick developed a narrow focus on life, becoming involved with right-wing, pro-America organizations. By the 1940s she had become outspoken against immigrants and Jews and was actively distributing nativist, anti-Semitic propaganda. The thesis poses and suggests answers to the question of why a woman who had spent a number of years in the city, and in a career which afforded her the opportunity to gain a cosmopolitan view of the world, followed a course toward nativism and right-wing extremism in her later years.

Tesis para optar al grado de Magíster en Estudios Latinoamericanos

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