The object of this master thesis is to study the reading practices offive women as they themselves remember them from theirchildhood and youth in the middle of the 20th century. The study inparticular targets the respondents’ reading in relation to the normsfor girls’ and young women’s reading at the time. The thesis takesas its starting point the presentation of the respondents´ readingmemories, based on motifs, preferences and experiences. Equallyimportant is the presentation of the relationship between thesememories and the social discourse their reading practices were partof. The qualitative interview is the method used to collect theempirical material. Theoretically, the analysis is inspired by theconcept of the history of reading and by the sociology of literature.The analysis shows that the respondents grew up in homes withpartially dissimilar conditions for the forming of reading practices.The differences seem to be linked to social standing, material andeconomic situations, levels of education and geographicallocations. They are mirrored in both access to literature, choice ofbooks, reading environment and in the way the respondents lookupon reading and its importance. Nevertheless, there aresimilarities between the respondents in so far as reading was apleasurable activity, giving them freedom to create their ownseparate worlds. Reading was also a step in the process ofbecoming women. This is reinforced by their mothers´ role inintroducing books and keeping the girls’ reading interest alive. / Program: Bibliotekarie

My thesis re-situates the diarist and fiction writer Anaïs Nin within the fields of life-writing criticism, modernist studies, and intimacy studies by reading her diaries as performing, producing and inviting various intimate affects. This thesis focuses mainly on Nin‟s edited and unexpurgated published diaries and also draws on material gathered from the Anaïs Nin Special Collection at the Charles E. Young Library, based at the University of California, Los Angeles. Chapter 1 argues that Nin figures the diary as a space for fantasies of intimacy. Using the Communion as an integral part of these fantasies, Nin imagines scenes of interembodiment and intersubjectivity with her father that rely as much on his absence as on his presence. Performing an intimate relationship with her father, Nin also uses the diary to write her subjectivity as „in-relation.‟ Chapter 2 considers Nin‟s intimate relationships with other writers and artists in the 1930s, namely D.H. Lawrence. I argue that, by writing herself into an intimate relationship with Lawrence, Nin fashions and performs an artistic identity, working within and also resisting a modernist poetics of impersonality and objectivity. As such, this chapter calls for a revaluation of Nin as a modernist writer which attends to recent critical accounts of the importance of life-writing within modernism. Chapter 3 reads Nin‟s „Father Story,‟ an account in the diary of a brief affair Nin had with her father in her early thirties. I use the figure of seduction to argue that Nin‟s story resists a close reading and to critique various critical readings of this story in the 1990s which are underpinned by critical anxiety about the „right‟ way to read incest. For many critics, Nin‟s „Father Story‟ is too literary, rendering both it, and her, as inauthentic. Chapter 4 explores the intersections between Nin‟s diary and psychoanalysis. This chapter argues that Nin confuses the languages of sexual and psychoanalytic intimacy in ways that lead us to question the distance between sex and analysis. Nin uses psychoanalysis as another tool for dramatizing her life through art and another stage on which to perform intimacy. Chapter 5 considers the publication of the edited diary in the late 1960s-1970s, which coincided with a growing interest in women‟s life-writing as a representation of authentic, collective experience. This chapter argues that Nin performed intimacy in public with her readers, whilst all the time holding her private self at a distance.

This thesis examines the dynamic relationship between realism and experimentalism in the 1940s and mid-century fiction of James Hanley and Patrick Hamilton. It is argued that the work of both writers during this period, although it might utilise realist forms and techniques, is not characterised by reversion to a traditional and outmoded model of novel writing that predates modernism, but rather, is engaged in a productive and sometimes tense dialogue with the gestures, manners and experiments of the avant-garde. In so doing, Hanley and Hamilton are read as key exemplars of a varied and adventurous literary moment that has been frequently overlooked within the broad narrative of twentieth century British fiction. It is argued that these works complicate the vocabulary of literary realism by suggesting the novel as a hybrid form: an aesthetic which privileges fidelity to a contemporary ―real‖, especially the conditions of wartime and post-war and the shifting configurations of social and economic relations, even as it simultaneously projects a deep estrangement or satirical detachment from a sense of unified reality. Whilst registering the manifest differences between the two writers, the thesis explores their fiction‘s varying reactions towards and absorption of avant-garde idioms, such as the surrealist and expressionist, and analyses the affective qualities of that ―heightening‖ of language in the construction of their realist narratives. All the novels discussed, in a series of close readings, possess a stylistic or tonal singularity that tangibly frames their narratives, a process of divergence that contests and reconceptualises the concept and aims of literary realism. In historicising this phase of literary change, the thesis draws on the work of various cultural theorists and historians and elaborates the interpretive framework in which the literary 40s and the fiction of Hanley and Hamilton can be recast.

李進宇. / "2003年9月". / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2003. / 參考文獻 (leaves 89-114). / 附中英文摘要. / "2003 nian 9 yue". / Li Jinyu. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2003. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 89-114). / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / 摘要 --- p.i / Abstract --- p.ii / 目錄 --- p.iii / 縮略書名列表 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章， --- 導言--槪說尼采價値重估的計劃 --- p.2 / Chapter 第二章， --- 爲什麼要重估道德價値一一論虛無主義 --- p.10 / Chapter 1.1 --- 虛無主義一詞的來源 --- p.11 / Chapter 1.2 --- 虛無主義在尼采哲學中的意義 --- p.14 / Chapter 2.1 --- 耶教與虛無主義的關係 --- p.18 / Chapter 2.2 --- 徹底的虛無主義 --- p.26 / Chapter 3.1 --- 徹底的虛無主義與價値重估的關係 --- p.28 / Chapter 3.2 --- 爲什麼要重估道德價値 --- p.31 / Chapter 第三章， --- 尼采怎樣重估道德價値以康德及彌爾的道德理論爲例 --- p.35 / Chapter 1 --- 康德的自由意志理論 --- p.37 / Chapter 1.1 --- 超驗觀念論對第三個二律背反的解決 --- p.39 / Chapter 1.2 --- 《道德底形上學之基礎》中的自由意志 --- p.42 / Chapter 1.3 --- 尼采的回應 --- p.44 / Chapter 1.3.1 --- 自因論証 --- p.47 / Chapter 1.3.2 --- 自然主義論証 --- p.48 / Chapter 2 --- 彌爾的快樂主義及尼采的批評 --- p.51 / Chapter 2.1 --- 殘酷 --- p.53 / Chapter 2.2 --- 禁欲主義 --- p.56 / Chapter 3 --- 道德的普遍性要求 --- p.57 / Chapter 第四章， --- 對尼采重估道德價値之檢討 --- p.62 / Chapter 1 --- 尼采重估道德價値之重構 --- p.62 / Chapter 2 --- 「高等人」真的較高等嗎？ --- p.65 / Chapter 2.1 --- 強的聲稱 --- p.66 / Chapter 2.2 --- 弱的聲稱 --- p.68 / Chapter 3 --- 傳統道德如何敗壞「高等人」 --- p.72 / Chapter 4 --- 尼采與當代倫理學硏究 --- p.74 / Chapter 第五章， --- 結論 --- p.81 / 註釋 --- p.89 / 第一章 --- p.89 / 第二章 --- p.92 / 第三章 --- p.97 / 第四章 --- p.104 / 第五章 --- p.108 / 參攷書目 --- p.109

Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts gab es in Deutschland im Vergleich zu vielen seiner Nachbarstaaten nur sehr wenige Heil- und Krankenanstalten speziell für Kinder. Die Anerkennung der Kinderheilkunde als eigenes Fachgebiet an den deutschen Universitäten verlief sehr langsam. Untersucht man die historische und soziologische Situation in Deutschland sowie den Entwicklungsstand der Medizin im 19. Jahrhundert genauer, so wird deutlich, warum hier solche aus heutiger Sicht rückständige Verhältnisse herrschten. Wie sich anhand von Originaldokumenten belegen lässt, wurde in Würzburg für deutsche Verhältnisse recht früh der Vorstoß unternommen, an der Universität eine "Separatanstalt" für kranke Kinder zu errichten und die Pädiatrie als eigenes Lehrfach einzuführen. Am 7. Juli 1841 erreichte den Senat und die Fakultät der Universität Würzburg ein Königlich Bayerisches Dekret, das die Errichtung einer klinischen Anstalt für Kinder und eine damit verbundene Abhaltung von Vorlesungen über Kinderkrankheiten vorsah. Das primäre Vorhaben der Fakultät, eine "stabile" Kinderklinik zu eröffnen, wurde jedoch aufgrund von Finanzierungsproblemen für mehrere Jahre aufgeschoben. Stattdessen wurde 1844 eine "billigere" ambulante Kinderklinik eröffnet und Franz von Rinecker, ein sehr engagierter Professor, zu deren Leiter und zum Prof. für Kinderkrankheiten ernannt. Erst am 1. Nov. 1850 kam es zur offiziellen Gründung einer stabilen Kinderklinik mit 12-15 Betten. Da andieser Institution jedoch sowohl die Universität als auch das Juliusspital, eine sehr mächtige und mit der Universität verschwisterte Stiftung, beteiligt waren, kam es sowohl vor als auch nach der Gründung zu großen Interessenskonflikten und Machtkämpfen.Das Resultat war, dass die Universität und der von ihr ernannte Vorstand, Franz von Rinecker, letztendlich nur einen sehr geringen Einfluss in der Kinderklinik hatten, die außerdem bereits 1872 wieder ihre Eigenständigkeit verlor. Die "stabile" Kinderklinik wurde an die Innere Medizin abgetreten, die ambulante Kinderklinik fiel an die allgemeine Poliklinik zurück. Erst 1915, also über 40 Jahre später, erlangte die Würzburger Pädiatrie wieder ihre Eigenständigkeit, die mit dem Ordinariat für Hans Rietschel ab 1923 vervollständigt wurde. Das Schicksal der pädiatrischen Anstalten in Würzburg ist bezeichnend für die damalige Zeit: Die deutsche Pädiatrie steckte noch in ihren Kinderschuhen und befand sich im ständigen Kampf gegen die Dominanz von Allgemeiner Poliklinik und Innerer Medizin. / In the middle of the 19th century there were just a few hospitals for sick children in Germany and Paediatrics was hardly recognised as an independent speciality of medicine. A more profound analysis of both the historical and social situation, as well as the medical development at that time may explain why there was such an undeveloped situation in Germany. In the City of Würzburg there was an early sustained effort to found a separate hospital for sick children and to introduce Paediatrics as a separate subject at its medical school. As original documents prove, as early as 7th July 1841 a Bavarian royal decree reached the Faculty of Wuerzburg expressing the aim to open a clinical institution for sick children and to start lectures about child diseases. Because of financial difficulties, however, the faculty's first plan - to found a "stable" paediatric clinic immediately - had to be postponed for a couple of years. Instead, a "cheaper" policlinic for children was opened in 1844 and Franz von Rinecker, a highly committed professor, was appointed professor of child diseases and head of that clinic. On 1st November 1850 a separate clinic for sick children with 12-15 beds was finally opened. As this institution belonged to both the Faculty and the "Juliusspital", a very powerful foundation, lots of conflicts appeared before and after the clinic opened. Consequently, the Faculty and the assigned head of the Paediatric clinic, Franz von Rinecker, had very little influence on the development of the clinic. Therefore, in 1872, it lost its independence again: the Paediatric clinic became part of the Internal Medicine and the Paediatric policlinic came back to the supervision of the general policlinic .It was only 43 years later that Paediatrics in Wuerzburg finally got its independence back in 1915. The history of the clinical institutions in Paediatrics in Wuerzburg is symptomatic for the time when German paediatrics was still in its early stages and continually had to defend itself against the dominance of Internal medicine and the policlinic.

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<p>Examensarbete 15 hp, lärarexamen</p>

<p>Sammanfattning i engelska s.359-364. / Summary in English p.359-364.</p> / digitalisering@umu

Lärarkåren är en yrkeskår vars status är omdiskuterad. Yrket är inte professionellt i samma utsträckning som t.ex. läkaryrket, utan är istället att betrakta som semiprofessionell. Yrket har under 1900-talet genomgått en professionaliseringsprocess och har under historien rört sig närmare eller längre ifrån att uppfylla kriterierna för att räknas som en profession. Denna studie utforskar denna professionaliseringsprocess genom att undersöka diskussioner av elevproblem i lärarförbundets medlemstidning under perioden 1950-2010 och det är diskussionernas diskursiva grund som analyseras och detta med fokus på vilka som uttalar sig, hur påståenden legitimeras och med vilken blick problemen betraktas. Uppsatsen diskuterar sedan vad denna diskursiva grund säger om lärarkårens professionaliseringsprocess och yrkets vetenskapliga teori och autonomi. Studiens viktigaste resultat är att perioden 1950-1990 är en tid då påståenden om elevproblem i allt högre grad görs av lärare, legitimeras genom den pedagogiska vetenskapen och betraktas med en relationell blick samt en tid då lärarkårens vetenskapliga teori och autonomi stärks, vilket visar att det sker en professionalisering av läraryrket under denna tid.  Studiens resultat visar även att perioden 1990-2010 är en period där förändringstendenserna inte är lika tydlig.