Orientador: Luzia Margareth Rago / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-13T21:37:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joanilho_AndreLuiz_M.pdf: 3085439 bytes, checksum: 1db7ceccbcd684c3eee647222e047d00 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1990 / Resumo: Não informado. / Abstract: Not informed. / Mestrado / Mestre em História

Orientador: Dea Ribeiro Fenelon / Dissertação (mestrado)-Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / O exemplar do AEL pertence a Coleção CPDS / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-13T20:10:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cruz_HeloisadeFaria_M.pdf: 2459212 bytes, checksum: 308671d7b762f2b37738cce34d57a287 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1984 / Resumo: Não informado. / Abstract: Not informed. / Mestrado / Mestre em História

El siguiente trabajo tiene por propósito analizar cómo la prensa moderna construye y reproduce una ‗cultura de la violencia‘ a partir de la inserción de determinados discursos o representación sobre la transgresión, en las ciudades de Santiago y Buenos Aires entre 1900 y 1920. Estos discursos de la transgresión que se instalan a través de la noticia policial construyen un imaginario que ayuda, por una parte, a la naturalización del discurso hegemónico y del control social, pero, por otra parte, expone los límites de la modernidad; es decir, la tensión entre el tan anhelado orden y progreso y una periferia llena de pobreza y ‗atraso‘, en donde la violencia no es más que una práctica cotidiana de comunicación. Este ejercicio de apropiación escritural de la violencia - que instalan las publicaciones escritas a través de la noticia policial- es una forma a partir de la cual la modernidad intenta racionalizarla, deslegitimando las prácticas violentas establecidas, pero dando origen asimismo a nuevas formas y expresiones de ellas. Pues la violencia, entendida como un bien cultural, queda sujeta al relativismo que impone el cambio de normas y valores, y a la mutación de principios jurídicos, éticos y políticos de las colectividades humanas.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Sammanfattning Syftet är att förstå hur tre aktörer nyttjade sin maktposition i sin politiska praktik och förklara varför. Vilka var dessa tre aktörer som hade makt i sekelskiftets politik i Luleå stad och varför hade de denna makt? Vilka frågor drev de och vad var motiven bakom att driva dessa frågor? Hur gick de tillväga för att förverkliga sina ambitioner i Luleå stadsfullmäktige från år 1900-1920? Metoden som används i uppsatsen är en kvalitativ innehållsanalys men även kvantitativa inslag kommer att finnas och en deskriptiv metod används för att beskriva källmaterialet. Teorin som används i uppsatsen är en ansats av (ANT) aktörsnätverksteori och politiskt medborgarskap som bygger på H Marshalls essä ”Citizenship and Social class” från år 1950. Uppsatsen forskningsresultat visar att motiven, intressena och agendorna skiljer sig mellan aktörerna, men att politikerna använder den politiska arena för att bygga nätverk som medel för att uppnå sina mål. / Abstract The purpose is to understand how three actors used their power position in their political practice and to explain why. Who was these three actors that used their power in the turn of the century in Luleå city and why did they have this power? Which questions prompted they and what was their motive behind to push these questions? How did they go about to realise their ambitions in Luleå city council from the year 1900-1920? Method that is used in the essay is a qualitative content analysis but also use bits of a quantitative method and one descriptive method is used to describe the source material. The theory used in the essay is a approach of (ANT) Actor-network theory and political citizenship that builds on H Marshall essay”Citizenship and Social class” from the year 1950. The study research results shows that motives, interest and agendas differ between the actors, but that politicians use the political arena to build networks as means to fulfil their goals.

Submitted by Ricardo Cedraz Duque Moliterno (ricardo.moliterno@uefs.br) on 2015-09-16T22:16:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??o_CHINTAMANI_SANTANA.pdf: 1037009 bytes, checksum: 2b17cf6d8a830a8ab05d78e64719996c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-16T22:16:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??o_CHINTAMANI_SANTANA.pdf: 1037009 bytes, checksum: 2b17cf6d8a830a8ab05d78e64719996c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-28 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / This work has as its goal study the conflicts in the countryside, specially the fight involving ownership and propety of land and its individuals in the initial two decades of the 20th century, in Feira de Santana. We used as sources the local newspapers and mainly the processes of damage crime. Our approach was built in dialog with theoric and methodologic questions by E.P. Thompson in Whigs and Hunters, for whom the Law can be understod as a fighting arena, where the law can be seem as a way by which other social conflicts take place. So, we seek to present some delimitations and specifications in research territory, delineate the social and ethinic profile of countryside dwellers; debate family and work relationships,; point what was produced in the countrisde; investigate the existence of tension in the day-by-day life of this individuals marked by the conflicts of notions of common use and private apropriation. We identified the existence of different conceptions of right to the land that pervade the juridical partners, one based in the "soft and pacific" posse and other in the evidential right. We examinate how from the querell the complicated social relations detaches and how they constituted communitary life, being part of the conflicts themselves, specially the fight for land. By examining the countryside and their individuals we advanced into a little explored territory, the researches about Feira de Santana in this phase being more intensely dedicated to the urban part. / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar os conflitos no campo, em especial a luta em torno da posse e propriedade da terra e seus sujeitos nas duas primeiras d?cadas do s?culo XX, em Feira de Santana. Utilizamos como fontes os jornais locais e principalmente os processos crime dano. Nossa abordagem foi constru?da em di?logo com as quest?es te?ricas e metodol?gicas pautadas por E. P. Thompson em Senhores e Ca?adores, para quem o direito pode ser compreendido como uma arena de luta, onde a lei pode ser vista como o meio por onde outros conflitos sociais t?m se travado. Deste modo, procuramos apresentar algumas delimita??es e especifica??es do territ?rio da pesquisa, tra?ar o perfil social e ?tnico dos moradores do campo; discutimos as rela??es familiares e de trabalho; apontamos o que era produzido no campo; investigamos a exist?ncias de tens?es no cotidiano desses sujeitos marcados pelos conflitos entre no??es de uso comum e tentativas de apropria??o privada. Identificamos a exist?ncia de diferentes concep??es sobre o direito ? terra que perpassam as pe?as jur?dicas, uma baseada na posse ?mansa e pacifica? e outra no t?tulo comprobat?rio. Examinamos como a partir das querelas se desprendem intricadas rela??es sociais e como estas constitu?am a vida nas comunidades, foram parte importante dos pr?prios conflitos, em especial da luta pela terra. Ao nos debru?armos sobre o campo e seus sujeitos avan?amos por um territ?rio pouco explorado, as pesquisas sobre Feira de Santana neste per?odo dedicaram maior aten??o ao per?metro urbano.

The aim of this dissertation is to describe and analyse the voting restrictions of the Swedish franchise reform of 1909. These restrictions required that the voter should be a male of good repute, who had paid his national and local taxes for three years before the election year, had done his military service, had not been declared incapacitated or bankrupt nor owed society any poor relief. In practice, this meant that some 20% of the adult male population were excluded from voting. This study explores both the ideological beliefs and political strategies behind these restrictions, and how the system worked in practice at the national and local levels. Since earlier literature has paid scant attention to the voter’s status as a citizen, this dissertation uses citizenship as one of its analytical tools. Although often described as universal suffrage for men, the 1909 Electoral Law was thus less radical than is usually assumed. As you had to have fulfilled certain obligations as a citizen in order to vote, it is hard to say that voting was a right. A central role in formulating these new conditions was played by the Riksdag’s moderate Conservative group. The reform therefore had the potential to preserve the political influence of the Right in the age of mass democracy, not least as the question of the unrestricted franchise for men and women could be deferred. However, the 1909 Electoral Law was not only aimed at reducing the political influence of the lower classes, but the proponents of the system also wanted to educate the citizens ideologically by constructing an image of the ideal citizen as a self-supporting male, who fulfilled his obligations to society. The National Women’s Franchise Association, whose campaign demanded suffrage for women on the same conditions as men, therefore had to relate to a political discourse dominated by (male) civic virtues and qualifications, and argue that women made a major contribution by fulfilling their special obligations to society. Also, the tax payment and poor relief voting restrictions in the 1909 franchise reform had an impact on the way proposals for women’s right to vote were formulated. The Social Democrats, whose electorate was heavily affected by the taxpaying qualification, in their programme for a constitutional reform demanded that this particular restriction should be abolished. To limit the number of party voters excluded from the polls, Social Democratic newspapers and election offices tried to mobilise disenfranchised workers to appeal the electoral register and get back on it. Those activities, which have been largely neglected in earlier research on the history of the Swedish Social Democratic Party, came to constitute an important element in the party’s election campaigns during the 1910s. In Sweden, the poor relief voting restriction (the pauper exclusion) was applied in a much more general way than in other countries, disqualifying recipients of very small or provisional amounts that had not been repaid as well as family providers who had received poor relief because of family members. The rules also proved very difficult to put into practice. The Social Democrats and many Liberals, but also leading members of the Swedish Poor Relief Association wanted to reform the law so that only those permanently supported by poor relief should lose their right to vote. Unlike the Social Democrats, the Liberals supported the taxpaying qualification as a necessary token of orderliness. However, they wanted the conscientious poor taxpayers to be distinguished from those who were neglectful and dilatory. As the Liberal-Social Democratic coalition government, which came to power in 1917, found out, this proved impossible. Instead, the taxpaying qualification was abolished in connection with the 1918-1921 constitutional reform, which also gave women the vote and limited the poor relief voting restriction to those permanently receiving support. In sum, the 1909 franchise reform did not constitute a sharp divide between the old system of income and property qualifications and twentieth century democracy. There was a clear continuity with the former system, in which you earned the right to vote by fulfilling your obligations. The 1909 reform did not lead to universal suffrage for men. Instead, it should be regarded as an intermediate stage in the development towards universal suffrage. Property and income qualifications for voters were abolished, but new qualifications and new mechanisms for exclusion were introduced instead. In this respect, Sweden was not unique. Before adopting universal suffrage, many countries combined universal suffrage with various voting restrictions. In Sweden, however, the right to vote came with an unusually large number of conditions.

Literary descriptions of shifting from and transgressing assigned sex were common in 19th Century Sweden. This thesis forms a contribution to the larger project of writing a history of Swedish trans literature, and develops new interpretations of certain works of fiction by applying a transgender studies perspective. Through trans readings the thesis also examines what potential and possible implications literature might have for trans people beyond the literary realm. Trans readings are able to supplement earlier research by providing a nuanced understanding of the production of trans- and cisgenders. The theoretical perspectives used in the thesis are drawn for the most part from queer and transgender studies. The thesis adopts a conceptual understanding of trans as a movement, and aims to widen the scope of what may be considered relevant to a history of trans literature. The primary objects of analysis are the 1833 autobiography of widely known thief and cross-dresser Lasse-Maja (Lars Molin), C.J.L. Almqvist’s Drottningens juvelsmycke (1834), and Aurora Ljungstedt’s Moderna typer (1874). In closing, two texts from the fin-de-siècle are also closely read; Amanda Kerfstedt’s Reflexer (1901) and Frida Stéenhoff’s “Ett sällsamt öde” (1911). A wide range of other fiction is additionally studied in order to establish a contextual pattern of trans literary traditions. The thesis demonstrates that trans permeates all kinds of fiction, and that the characters analysed construct both trans and cis gender categories. It concludes that trans is done in a variety of ways, and with a variety of meanings in 19th and early 20th century literature. Trans is often depicted as a positive, fruitful and desirable act, through trans characters who are both themselves subjects of erotic desire and who become symbols of liberty and emancipation. Other trans figures however are often counter images of what are considered to be correct sexes, and are depicted as threatening and/or ridiculous. Both these negative and positive representations of trans affirm the gender binary. At the same time, they also break and destabilize that same binary, and the trans characters in the study both can and cannot be interpreted as transgressing cis- and heteronormativity respectively.