Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-01-23T11:30:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Merilyn Escobar de Oliveira.pdf: 1790857 bytes, checksum: 66cfcb8f2452ad7d09ceede15679facd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-23T11:30:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Merilyn Escobar de Oliveira.pdf: 1790857 bytes, checksum: 66cfcb8f2452ad7d09ceede15679facd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-11-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The debate on the crisis of political parties, institutions and democracy remained on the agenda of contemporary political science studies throughout the last century. In the last decades, the perception of fragile political representation, anti-party sentiment and distrust in the institutions has been the subject matter of the media, the political scene and social life. The reports of irregularities, corruption, fraud, privileges of politicians and parties became frequent in the Brazilian news. And it is in this scenario of national politics that the theme of political reform emerges as a "remedy" for all the evils of our country's electoral system. On the occasion of the political crisis of 2005 and 2006, which reached the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) in the legislature of former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, on the existence of a "caixa dois" (illegal financing), and Exchange of political support ("mensalão"), flaws already crystallized in the Brazilian political system. The fragility of the legislation on party contributions, the fragmentation in the National Congress and the heated debates on the fight against corruption in government were highlighted. The present work analyzes the editorials of the newspapers Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo in the period between 2003 and 2010, that corresponds to the PT management in the Federal Government; our intention was to understand how the approach, the framing and the construction of the discourse on the political reform in debate in the National Congress, during the activities of the Special Commission of Political Reform and the Commission of Constitution Justice and Citizenship (CCJ) / O debate sobre a crise dos partidos políticos, instituições e democracia permaneceu na agenda de estudos da ciência política contemporânea, durante todo o século passado. Nas últimas décadas, o aumento da percepção sobre a frágil representação política, o sentimento antipartidário e a desconfiança nas instituições foram os assuntos que alimentaram a pauta dos meios de comunicação, do cenário político e da vida social. As denúncias de irregularidades, corrupção, fraudes, privilégios dos políticos e partidos tornaram-se frequentes nos noticiários brasileiros. E é neste cenário da política nacional, que surge o tema da reforma política como um “remédio” para todos os males do sistema eleitoral de nosso país. Por ocasião da crise política, de 2005 e 2006, que atingiu o Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) na legislatura do ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, sobre a existência de um “caixa dois” (financiamento ilegal), e do pagamento em troca de apoio político (“mensalão”), vieram à tona falhas já cristalizadas no sistema político brasileiro. Como pano fundo, evidenciou-se a fragilidade da legislação sobre as contribuições partidárias, a fragmentação no Congresso Nacional e os debates acalorados sobre o combate à corrupção no governo. O presente trabalho analisa os editoriais dos jornais Folha de S. Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo no período entre 2003 a 2010 que corresponde à gestão petista no Governo Federal; nossa intenção foi compreender como se deu a abordagem, o enquadramento (framing) e a construção do discurso sobre a reforma política em debate no Congresso Nacional, na ocasião das atividades da Comissão Especial da Reforma Política e da Comissão de Constituição Justiça e Cidadania (CCJ)

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:16:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mariza Freire.pdf: 2982236 bytes, checksum: aad69d83271a1346916261362ac70910 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-12-17 / This paper analyzed the political aspects in the discourse of governors of the State of Paraná (1910-2010) when speaking on the implementation of social policies to combat the crime allegedly committed by children and adolescents. The documentary and bibliographic research enabled us to understand the economic and political context of the period between 1910 and 2010 in the State of Paraná and analyze the relationship among education, employment and public safety in that period. As a result one can see that the terminology used responded, in a way, to the national scenario. The term "minor", from the first decades of the twentieth century, has become a term that was used in the laws and documents in literature, as well as spread the messages and speeches of politicians. The early twentieth , when it began to think a poor childhood in Brazil until now, the terminology has changed , as follows: "minor orphans ", "helpless child", "vicious minor", "childhood in moral danger" , " bummers " " juvenile delinquents" , " helpless minor " , "abandoned children" , "minor bummers" , libertines" , "abandoned minors" , "perverse minor", "disadvantaged youth" , "children in need", "juvenile offender" , "disabled" , "student" , "teenager" , "teenager in Conflict with the Law / Este trabalho analisou os aspectos políticos do discurso dos governadores do Estado do Paraná (1910-2010), ao se pronunciarem sobre a implementação de Políticas Sociais para o enfrentamento da delinquência supostamente cometida por crianças e adolescentes. A pesquisa documental e bibliográfica possibilitou compreender o contexto econômico e político do período de 1910 a 2010 no Estado do Paraná e analisar a relação entre educação, trabalho e segurança pública no referido período. Como resultado, pode-se constatar que as terminologias utilizadas responderam, de certo modo, ao cenário nacional. O termo menor , a partir das primeiras décadas do século XX tornou-se um termo que era usado nos documentos de leis e na literatura, bem como se propagou nos discursos e mensagens dos políticos. Do início do XX, quando se começou a pensar a infância pobre no Brasil, até hoje, a terminologia mudou, sendo elas: menores órfãos , infância desvalida , menores viciosos , infância em perigo moral , vadios , menores delinquentes , menores desvalidos , menores abandonados , menores vadios , libertinos , menores perversos , infância abandonada , juventude desfavorecida , menor carente , menor infrator , deficientes , educando , Adolescente , Adolescente em Conflito com a Lei

Submitted by Irvana Coutinho (irvana@ufpa.br) on 2017-06-12T13:47:19Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_MudancasPermanenciasCarreira.pdf: 2402948 bytes, checksum: 08587306817e42d637fe9512f5ab0934 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Irvana Coutinho (irvana@ufpa.br) on 2017-06-12T13:47:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_MudancasPermanenciasCarreira.pdf: 2402948 bytes, checksum: 08587306817e42d637fe9512f5ab0934 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-12T13:47:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_MudancasPermanenciasCarreira.pdf: 2402948 bytes, checksum: 08587306817e42d637fe9512f5ab0934 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-27 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este estudo analisa a carreira do magistério público do Estado do Pará na perspectiva de verificar as mudanças e as permanências a partir da Lei 7.442/2010, que dispõe sobre o Plano de Cargos, Carreira e Remuneração - PCCR/2010. A concepção de carreira adotada baseia-se na ideia de que o desenvolvimento da trajetória profissional docente deve ser acompanhado da consequente melhoria remuneratória em função de fatores como tempo, formação inicial e continuada e desempenho. Por meio de pesquisa documental tendo como fontes especialmente a Lei nº 5.351/1986 que aprovou o Estatuto do Magistério e a Lei 7.442/2010 que aprovou o PCCR/2010, analisaram-se as mudanças e as permanências na carreira docente a partir de cinco eixos: estrutura dos cargos; formas de admissão/ingresso na carreira; jornada de trabalho; critérios de progressão/evolução na carreira; vencimento e composição da remuneração. Com o PCCR a carreira passou a se estruturar em quatro classes (I a IV), correspondendo à formação de nível superior, especialização, mestrado e doutorado, extinguindo-se cargos anteriores. As formas de ingresso na carreira foram mantidas, mas alteradas as exigências. A jornada de trabalho teve sua composição alterada pela elevação do percentual destinado à hora atividade de 20% para 25%. A movimentação na carreira em forma de progressão horizontal e vertical foi mantida, mas alteraram-se os critérios para a progressão horizontal e os percentuais de acréscimo salarial, introduzindo-se como condicionalidade à evolução na carreira as condições orçamentárias do Estado. No que se refere ao vencimento e à composição da remuneração foi definido 30% a mais de gratificação para os professores que atuam na Educação Especial e criadas gratificações aos professores que atuam na Superintendência do Sistema Penal - SUSIPE - e Fundação da Criança e do Adolescente - FUNCAP - e no Sistema Modular de Ensino - SOME. As mudanças e permanências verificadas após o PCCR/2010 retratam a correlação de forças do momento histórico, permeada pela luta dos trabalhadores da educação junto ao governo estadual e, portanto, como qualquer processo político, apresentam resultados parciais para a valorização dos profissionais do ensino estadual do Pará. / This study analyses the career of the public school body of Pará in the perspective of examining the changes and continuities from Law 7.442/2010, which provides for PCCR/2010 (Offices, Career and Remuneration Plan). It was assumed a definition of career based on the idea that a teacher’s professional trajectory must be followed by an improvement in pay based on factors like time, performance and initial and continuing formation. Through file research using sources like Law 5.351/1986, which approved the School Body Statute; and Law 7.442/2010, which approved PCCR/2010; were analyzed the changes and continuities of the teachers’ career through 5 axis: office structure, job admission ways, working hours, job progression criteria and pay. With PCCR career is structured in four classes (I through IV), corresponding to formation of higher education, specialization, master and doctorate, with previous positions extinct. Ways of job admittance were kept, but their requirements changed. The working hours changed in composition through the raise of the time-activity percentage from 20% to 25%. Career movement through horizontal and vertical progress was kept, but the criteria of horizontal progress and the salary increase percentage were changed, introducing the budgetary situation of the State as condition to career evolution. As for pay, it was defined a 30% raise for teachers who worked on Special Education, plus the creation of rewards for teachers working on SUSIPE (Superintendence of Criminal Justice System), FUNCAP (Children and Adolescents Institute) and SOME (Modular Education System). The changes and continuities observed after PCCR/2010 portrait the interconnection of powers in the historic moment, permeated in fights of education workers and the government; and, like any political process, it shows partial results to the evaluation of education professionals of Pará.

In recent years, there has been extensive debate in the area of literary criticism, much of it focused on real or imagined differences between male and female texts. French feminist theorists, Helene Cixous and Luce Irigaray, to name a few, argue that biological differences necessitate textual differences, while others reject this essentialist position, considering it just another means for perpetuating the notion of female inferiority. Many linguists assert that women use language differently than men, and that texts reflect these differences. But in order to analyze the origin of any textual differences, it is necessary to look beyond biology and linguistic performance, to concentrate on psychology and its wider implications in the cultural world. Because Brigitte Schwaiger's text, Wie kommt das Salz ins Meer. contains a number of elements which underscore the extent that psychology and culture influence text production, it will serve as the focus of this paper. While this work can be classified as a female Bildungs- or Reifungs-roman - a narrative about the development of a modem consciousness and the attendant struggles involved - it serves in a wider sense as an example of the "difference" argued by many feminists between male and female texts.

<p><strong>Purpose </strong>The purpose is to analyze the parliamentary parties political communication in the social media channels before the election 2010.</p><p><strong>Methodology </strong>This essay is a descriptive study from nine interviews of the responsible people in the parliamentary parties. In addition to that two more interviews were done with social media experts</p><p><strong>Theoretical perspective </strong>This essay is based on two-way communication and communication strategies</p><p><strong>Conclusions </strong>The parliamentary parties use social media as a complement to traditional media. The purpose is to create dialog and to minimize the gap to the voters, but in many ways it is being used as a one-way communication channel.  The parliamentary parties are trying to use the social media channels in Swedish conditions, but in many ways they try to imitate an American used strategy.</p>

<p>Augusti 2008, Ryssland går in i Georgien med en överväldigande militär styrka i syfte att som mansäger, avbryta folkrättsliga kränkningar i utbrytarrepublikerna Syd Ossetien och Abkhazien. Men var det verkligen det som var huvudsyftet med operationen? Eller var Georgienkriget Rysslands tillfälle att för omvärlden visa att Ryssland återigen är en stormakt? Nästan två år senare släpps en ny militärdoktrin, Den Ryska Federationens Militärdoktrin 2010, finns det ett samband mellan det överraskande Georgienkriget och den nya ryska doktrinen? Det främsta syftet med den här uppsatsen är att genom att utgå ifrån två av de taktiska grundprinciperna, kraftsamling och vilseledning, undersöka om det faktiskt finns ett samband mellan kriget och doktrinen. Finns det händelser under kriget och formuleringar i doktrinen vilka överensstämmer med definitionen av Kraftsamling och Vilseledning som tyder på ett samband däremellan? Det är det jag avser att svara på med denna uppsats. Avsikten med uppsatsen är även att för läsaren beskriva Georgienkriget och händelseförloppet däri, samt att kortfattat beskriva den Ryska federationens militärdoktrin 2010 utifrån den svenska försvarsavdelningen i Moskvas översättning. Syftet med uppsatsen är även att belysa exempel på kraftsamling och vilseledning, både ur doktrinen och ur kriget.</p> / <p>August 2008, Russia goes into Georgia with an overwhelming military force to which it is said, stop violations of international law in the breakaway provinces of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. But was that really the main aim of the operation? Or was the war in Georgia Russia's opportunity to demonstrate to the world that Russia is once again a major player on the international scene? Almost two years later a new military doctrine was released, the Russian Federation Military Doctrine 2010, is there a link between the surprising war in Georgia and the new Russian doctrine? The main purpose with this essay to investigate, through the view of two of the principles of war, Concentration and Deception if there is a link, or connection, between the war and the doctrine. Are there actions during the war and paragraphs in the doctrine suggesting such a connection? That is what the author aims to answer with essay. The purpose with this essay is also to the reader describe the war and shortly describe the Russian Federation Military Doctrine 2010. The purpose with this essay is also to present examples of Concentration and Deception from the doctrine and the war.</p>

Purpose The purpose is to analyze the parliamentary parties political communication in the social media channels before the election 2010. Methodology This essay is a descriptive study from nine interviews of the responsible people in the parliamentary parties. In addition to that two more interviews were done with social media experts Theoretical perspective This essay is based on two-way communication and communication strategies Conclusions The parliamentary parties use social media as a complement to traditional media. The purpose is to create dialog and to minimize the gap to the voters, but in many ways it is being used as a one-way communication channel.  The parliamentary parties are trying to use the social media channels in Swedish conditions, but in many ways they try to imitate an American used strategy.

Augusti 2008, Ryssland går in i Georgien med en överväldigande militär styrka i syfte att som mansäger, avbryta folkrättsliga kränkningar i utbrytarrepublikerna Syd Ossetien och Abkhazien. Men var det verkligen det som var huvudsyftet med operationen? Eller var Georgienkriget Rysslands tillfälle att för omvärlden visa att Ryssland återigen är en stormakt? Nästan två år senare släpps en ny militärdoktrin, Den Ryska Federationens Militärdoktrin 2010, finns det ett samband mellan det överraskande Georgienkriget och den nya ryska doktrinen? Det främsta syftet med den här uppsatsen är att genom att utgå ifrån två av de taktiska grundprinciperna, kraftsamling och vilseledning, undersöka om det faktiskt finns ett samband mellan kriget och doktrinen. Finns det händelser under kriget och formuleringar i doktrinen vilka överensstämmer med definitionen av Kraftsamling och Vilseledning som tyder på ett samband däremellan? Det är det jag avser att svara på med denna uppsats. Avsikten med uppsatsen är även att för läsaren beskriva Georgienkriget och händelseförloppet däri, samt att kortfattat beskriva den Ryska federationens militärdoktrin 2010 utifrån den svenska försvarsavdelningen i Moskvas översättning. Syftet med uppsatsen är även att belysa exempel på kraftsamling och vilseledning, både ur doktrinen och ur kriget. / August 2008, Russia goes into Georgia with an overwhelming military force to which it is said, stop violations of international law in the breakaway provinces of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. But was that really the main aim of the operation? Or was the war in Georgia Russia's opportunity to demonstrate to the world that Russia is once again a major player on the international scene? Almost two years later a new military doctrine was released, the Russian Federation Military Doctrine 2010, is there a link between the surprising war in Georgia and the new Russian doctrine? The main purpose with this essay to investigate, through the view of two of the principles of war, Concentration and Deception if there is a link, or connection, between the war and the doctrine. Are there actions during the war and paragraphs in the doctrine suggesting such a connection? That is what the author aims to answer with essay. The purpose with this essay is also to the reader describe the war and shortly describe the Russian Federation Military Doctrine 2010. The purpose with this essay is also to present examples of Concentration and Deception from the doctrine and the war.

Syftet med studien är att utifrån Sverigedemokraternas valkampanjfilm undersöka hur de planerade kommunikationsverktygen profil, identitet och image tolkas utifrån tre olika perspektiv. Under studiens gång har vi genomfört strukturerade intervjuer med tre medlemmar inom Sverigedemokraterna, en semiotisk filmanalys av partiets valkampanjfilm och utfört enkätundersökningar med 100 röstberättigade elever vid Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet.   Studiens resultat visar att Sverigedemokraternas profil stämmer överens med valkampanjfilmens identitet. Gällande image anser partiet att allmänhetens tolkning inte stämmer överens med partiets profil. Ett problem som Sverigedemokraterna säger sig ligga i att media har kommunicerat en felaktig bild av partiet.   Vår semiotiska filmanalys visar att Sverigedemokraternas budskap framgår tydligt i valkampanjfilmen genom att visa hur invandringen kostar mycket, samtidigt som pensionärerna blir drabbade. Studiens resultat visar även att mer än hälften av eleverna på Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet hade en negativ inställning till Sverigedemokraterna och 70 procent ansåg att individerna i valkampanjfilmen framställs orättvist. / This study will investigate how the Sweden Democrats' use the planned communication tools: profile, identity and image in their election campaign film. We have during the study used three different perspectives: structured interviews with three members of the Sweden Democrats, a semiotic film analysis of the party's election campaign film and performed a survey of 100 voting students at Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet.   The results of the study have demonstrated that the Sweden Democrats' profile is consistent with the campaign film's identity. The Sweden Democrats believes that the image of the party is not consistent with the party's profile. The problem that the Sweden Democrats claim to be medias fault. Our semiotic film analysis shows that the Sweden Democrats' message is clear in the election campaign by showing how immigration is expensive, while pensioners are affected. Our results also show that more than half of the students at Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet had a bias against the Sweden Democrats and 70 percent felt that the individuals in the election campaign film were represented wrong.

Die Ausstellung „Color continuo 1810 – 2010 System und Kunst der Farbe“ der SLUB und der AltanaGalerie der TU Dresden erinnert an die Wirkung der Farbenlehre Goethes. Die TU Dresden besitzt einen große historische Farbstoffstammlung. Goethe und Runge forschten zur Farbenlehre, und Schopenhauer arbeitete in der Königlichen öffentlichen Bibliothek in Dresden, um Goethes Farbenlehre zu vollenden. Die Ausstellung würdigt diese Arbeiten und stellt sie in einem gedruckten Katalog vor.