Analiza la conciencia de los personajes sabatianos de la novela Sobre héroes y tumbas, los personajes son descritos desde una perspectiva existencial, enfocando la representación de su entorno socio-histórico, la dualidad y contradicción, su función frente al caos que les rodea (la crisis de conciencia), a través de temas persistentes en la novela (la soledad, el absurdo, la muerte, el incesto, la desesperanza, la angustia, la falta de comunicación) y desde una perspectiva filosófica y psicológica. Desarrolla un perfil psicoanalítico a partir de teorías sobre la representación simbólica, algunos modelos de la teoría psicoanalítica de Jung, algunas notas del estadio del espejo de Lacan y aspectos de la teoría sobre la neurosis de Horney, y su relación con los personajes, los sueños como representación de una realidad y como acto liberador, las constantes significativas y su disociación con la realidad, la función del inconsciente y su relación con la comunicación y la función onírica como artificio del personaje sabatiano. Realiza una revisión analítica de los sueños como simbolización dentro del texto y su relación dentro de la historia creada. Asimismo, la historia se presenta en dos narraciones paralelas: la épica de Lavalle y la triple historia de amor y locura entre tres personajes en el período peronista a través de personajes apresados, torturados, desadaptados, etc., de una oligarquía decadente donde se realizará un paralelo entre el pensamiento de los personajes, la toma de conciencia y la existencia del ser en el tiempo. / Tesis

This thesis examines the news coverage of the earthquake, tsunami and nuclear crisis that devastated the country of Japan in March 2011 from a comparative standpoint. Drawing on the key concepts in the theory of social constructionism and frame analysis, the series of studies in this thesis comparatively examines how cultures and value systems factored into the process of news production, dissemination and consumption when it comes to the news stories on what the Japanese government officially named the Great East Japan Earthquake. The first section looks at how Japan and its people were portrayed amid disaster relief efforts and analyzes how culture itself has become the topic of discussion and part of reality construction. The second section, on frame analysis, focuses on the workers at the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant, often called the Fukushima 50 by the Western media, and examines the cultural characteristics that contributed to the observable discrepancies in the ways they were represented by the Japanese media and their Western counterparts. The third study aims to shed light on the environment surrounding today’s foreign correspondents and international news reporting in the context of Japan, investigating what factors influence the ways journalist go about reporting and framing their versions of realities. The fourth section attempts to deconstruct the news narratives in terms of risk communication by paying particular attention to how people reacted to the coverage of potential dangers of radiation leaks as well as the tsunami warnings in Tohoku area. In the end, the series of studies described above underlines how cultural factors significantly affected the ways in which the journalists covered Japan in 2011 as well as the ways news audiences understood what was going on. The thesis argues that there are two types of cultural faming that contributed greatly to the social construction of realities in the aftermath of the triple disasters. The first type of cultural framing was observed when reporters consistently made the culture of Japan and its supposedly “unique” values as the main frame of news narratives. It often implied that the Japanese culture was somewhat exotic or alien through foreign eyes. The second type of cultural framing was observed when the cultural dispositions of journalists and audience framed the potential risk such as the incoming tsunami and the vital newsmakers such as workers in Fukushima Daiichi using familiar cultural molds. The finding accentuated the intricacy and precarious nature of “realities” in news reports. The research also indicated that when cultural factors in news process dictate and determine the focal point of reality perception, they tend to bring about racial discussions and stereotypical images in narratives. / published_or_final_version / Sociology / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

Since its independence on July 9, 2011, the Republic of South Sudan, with the assistance of various internal and external stakeholders, has been working towards viable and constructive political and socio-economic change in the new state. These processes of change are aimed at the effective development of South Sudan as a sovereign, peaceful and stable nation-state that is capable of serving the short- and long-term needs and expectations of its citizens and the environment at large. However, the successful realisation of this transformation is facing serious challenges. These challenges are partly attributable to the unresolved issues and consequences of South Sudan’s protracted years of civil war with Sudan, and the difficulties that often confront post-conflict societies, especially a post-independence state like South Sudan, which came into existence after two prolonged civil wars. Given the complexity of South Sudan’s post-independence environment, this study aims to gain a clearer understanding of South Sudan’s complex transformational and peace-building challenges as an independent state; and to propose recommendations on how they can be managed. This will be achieved through the use of historical and qualitative research methods, which locate the study within a framework that provides the basis for the analyses of the data collected on South Sudan and on the subjects of conflict transformation and peace-building. As South Sudan celebrated its one-year anniversary on July 9, 2012, it was recalled that the country’s official independence was regarded as a historic event for the African continent at large. While there were high expectations among the South Sudanese population and the international community that this signalled an end to Africa’s longest conflict, it was soon clouded by a myriad of political, economic, socio-cultural, peace, security and development challenges. These include building an entirely new state out of the ruins of war, confronting the unresolved resource and border demarcation conflicts with Sudan, and tackling South Sudan’s own internal ethnic confrontations, among many other human resources and capacity challenges. Given South Sudan’s challenging post-conflict and post-independence environment, this study contends that contrary to the notion that the resolution and transformation of the Sudan-South Sudan conflict and the birth of the new Republic of South Sudan ended the conflict between the two entities, the secession did not create a cohesive and robust new state that is free from serious internal and external challenges. The Government of South Sudan (GoSS) and external and internal stakeholders, including the African Union (AU); the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD); the United Nations (UN); civil society organisations (CSOs) and various individual countries (among many other initiatives) have been and are actively engaged in joint efforts to address and manage the challenges that confront South Sudan as an independent state. However, such endeavours have mainly concentrated on state-building issues, resources and border demarcation conflicts, and have focused less on the problems of nation-building. As such, internal complexities such as social and national identity, the decentralisation of power/broader representation in government and state affairs and growing ethnic conflicts have continued to receive less attention. Bearing this in mind, this study argues that unless these internal matters are given serious consideration, sustainable peace and development in South Sudan will remain elusive. While negotiations to resolve the cross-border South Sudan-Sudan conflicts continue, a solution that is acceptable to all parties is only possible if all the conflicting parties are invited to the negotiation table to engage in peaceful dialogue and find the means to reconcile their differences and build trustworthy and mutually beneficial relationships. The study also identifies a need for the promotion and coordination of a constructive relationship between the South Sudanese state and civil society. It further recognises the importance of building inclusive political processes to facilitate a state-society cooperative environment, and the development of state capacity to perform its duties in a manner that satisfies the expectations of the population that they will enjoy the fruits of their long-drawn out struggle for independence. In terms of how these processes can be achieved, the study recommends an indigenous intervention mechanism that encourages the active engagement of the entire post-conflict society in its own peace-building and development initiatives. This mechanism is encapsulated in John Paul Lederach’s Pyramid Model of conflict transformation, which emphasises the importance of coordinating peace-building activities between and among the various leadership levels – the top, middle and grassroots leaders of the post-conflict society. This model also advocates that the local community be encouraged to develop and drive its own peace-building and development activities, which is a major step forward in reconciling differences, building a sense of belonging, trust, mutual respect and ultimately societal cohesion. These are very important considerations for any society or state with the long-term goal of sustainable peace and development. The research study thus recommends this model for managing South Sudan’s challenges. It urges all stakeholders to promote the involvement of the local community in peace-building and development activities and to facilitate peaceful dialogue and reconciliation within South Sudan and with Sudan in order to achieve viable peace and development in the longer term. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

Previous research has shown that sustainable development is a complex concept that can be difficult to apply in a teaching context. The purpose of this study is to investigate how the concept of sustainable development and education for sustainable development are formulated in school policy documents related to the five teachers' descriptions of how they practice it in reality. I have, based on the purpose of this study issued following questions: What are projected on sustainable development and education for sustainable development in the school curriculum as well as other documents that support school activities? What is included? What is not included? How does the teachers interpret the concept of sustainable development? How does the teachers say that they work with sustainable development in the subjects of social science? What difficulties does the teachers experience with education for sustainable development?  This study is made through a qualitative method based on a contextual analysis and interviews with five teachers. The results show that neither the documents nor the teachers' descriptions of education for sustainable development seem to indicate that sustainable development is seen as a political issue. Rather, the descriptions indicate that sustainable development is seen as a matter of ethics. In both the documents and the teachers' descriptions all levels of sustainable development i.e. local, national and international level are mentioned. Therefore, it is also described as a collective responsibility rather than an individual responsibility. In the teachers' descriptions of sustainable development the environmental dimension is mainly mentioned. The documents on the other hand emphasize all dimensions i.e. the social, economic and environmental. According to the documents these three should be balanced in order for sustainable development to be possible to achieve. Teachers' descriptions of how they work with sustainable development show a more clear vision of education for sustainable development as value mediation compared to what is written out in the documents. The steering documents also emphasize that knowledge of sustainable development is required to enable sustainable development. The difficulties that the teachers’ describe on education for sustainable development is mostly related to the complexity of the concept.  One conclusion of this study is that the documents and the teachers' descriptions of sustainable development and education for sustainable development are quite similar. This despite the few differences mentioned above and the fact that one teacher believes that the directives of the curriculum syllabus is a bit unclear in terms of sustainable development.

Las tasas de pobreza en el Perú se han reducido drásticamente en la última década pero ahora las políticas de alivio se enfrentan al reto de lograr que aquellos hogares que escaparon de la pobreza sostengan su salida. La presente investigación elabora un marco teórico y presenta un modelo para analizar la pobreza desde un enfoque dinámico. Asimismo, se desarrolla un ejercicio empírico que incluye la cuantificación, tipificación, identificación en el territorio y análisis del comportamiento intertemporal de los hogares respecto a la pobreza empleando datos longitudinales de la Encuesta Nacional de Hogares para el intervalo 2007 – 2011. Los resultados demuestran que los hogares del país siguen un proceso de “puerta revolvente”, pues cerca del 10 % de ellos cae en pobreza anualmente, además que resultan necesarias políticas diferenciadas de alivio según el tipo de pobreza para continuar con la reducción de hogares en esta situación de manera eficiente. Las hipótesis que se evalúan muestran que la dedicación a una única fuente de ingresos laborales, la afiliación a seguros de salud y la jefatura de los hogares por mujeres, así como su presencia como cónyuges del jefe influyen de manera positiva y significativa en la probabilidad de que los hogares escapen de la pobreza y se mantengan fuera de ella. / Tesis

Orientador: Paulo José dos Reis Pereira / Banca: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser / Banca: Deisy de Freitas Lima Ventura / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: Entre março de 2003 e junho de 2004, os Estados Unidos da América, em conjunto com a Grã-Bretanha, ocuparam o Iraque e obtiveram o status de Autoridade Provisória emitido pelo Conselho de Segurança da Organização das Nações Unidas (CSONU) na Resolução 1483 para reconstruir o Estado iraquiano após a derrubada do Regime Baath. Pela primeira vez desde o final da segunda Guerra Mundial, uma potência ganhava status de força ocupante pela Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU), sem ser um mandato da ONU propriamente, como usualmente nas operações de paz (Peacekeeping operations) regidas pelo órgão internacional. A invasão do Iraque em 2003, contou com um consenso no pensamento político norteamericano no qual os EUA teriam a responsabilidade e o dever de derrubar o regime de Saddam Hussein, que supostamente cometia crimes contra humanidade, representava uma ameaça à segurança internacional. Em grande medida, a fórmula norte-americana para a invasão e ocupação do Iraque consistiu em justificar suas ações em termos de "razão humanitária" e legitimá-las por meio de mecanismos jurídicos. A execução do plano de ocupação do Iraque contou com um papel fundamental de membros da elite iraquiana da oposição ao Regime Baath em apoio a agenda das potências anglo-americanas. Entretanto, se esse inédito processo de statebuilding for analisado deixando de lado essas premissas humanitárias, ao contrário do que fazem as análises mainstream de política externa dos EUA, pode-se identificar possíveis benefícios político-econômicos consequentes a esse projeto de reconstrução do Iraque. A partir da análise dos documentos oficiais da Coalizão de Autoridade Provisória (CAP) e o questionamento às premissas liberais internacionalistas que pautaram a justificativa e posteriormente as críticas aos resultados da administração ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Between March 2003 and June 2004, the United States of America (US), together with Britain, occupied Iraq and obtained the status of Provisional Authority granted by the UN Security Council in Resolution 1483 to rebuild the Iraqi state after the overthrow of the Baath Regime. For the first time since the end of World War II, an international power gained occupying power status through United Nations (UN), without being a UN proper mandate, as usually in peacekeeping operations governed by the international body. The 2003 invasion of Iraq had a consensus in American political though that the United States would have the responsibility and duty to overthrow Saddam's regime, which allegedly committed crimes against humanity, posed a threat to international security. To a large extent, the American formula for the invasion and occupation of Iraq consisted in justifying its actions in terms of "humanitarian reason" and legitimizing them by means of legal mechanisms. Implementation of the Iraq occupation plan had a key role for members of the Iraqi opposition elite to the Baath Regime in support of the Anglo-American powers agenda. However, if this unprecedented statebuilding process is analyzed by leaving aside these humanitarian premises, unlike the mainstream US foreign policy analysis, one can identify possible political-economic benefits that result from this reconstruction project in Iraq. Based on the analysis of the official documents of the Provisional Authority Coalition (CPA) and questioning the internationalist liberal premises that guided the justification and later criticism of the results of CPA administration, we were able to identify possible political-economic benefits to the US and its corporations during The 14 months of occupation. Particularly in the energy, agriculture, security services and infrastructure ... - (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

This diploma thesis presents Hnutí ANO 2011 as a Czech local governance participant. Having put emphasis on ANO's local organizations, the diploma thesis deals with particular situations in selected statutory cities during the 2014-2018 electoral cycle. As the electoral cycle went by, internal problems in local organizations emerged which ended up with party board abolishing some of the organizations. Coalitions in which ANO participated also were affected by those problems. In some cities, however, coalitions persisted and ANO local organizations had not suffer with internal problems, study of which also became a part of the research in the thesis. Having a strong leader from the business environment and limited membership, ANO 2011 is considered to be a business-firm party focused on marketing strategies and external specialists. As a typical business-firm party instance Forza Italia can be named, established in 1990s by Italian businessman and future prime minister Silvio Berlusconi. Business-firm party character of ANO may affect local governance where ANO's local organizations follow ANO party board's instructions and those organizations lack of autonomy to make their own political decisions.

I vår uppsats har vi tittat närmre på styrdokumenten för ämnet fysik i den svenska gymnasieskolan. Vi har jämfört innehåll och formuleringar mellan ämnesplan 2011 och kursplan 2000 för att lokalisera och analysera likheter och skillnader dem emellan. En närläsning av både styrdokumenten och didaktisk- och pedagogisk forskning gjorde denna jämförelse och analys möjlig. Vi som blivande pedagoger vill med detta arbete bidra med vår syn på styrdokumenten för fysikämnet i gymnasieskolan. Genom vårt arbete kom vi fram till att vetenskapsteori (Nature of Science) och samhällsfrågor (Socio-Scientific Issues) har fått en mer betydande roll än tidigare. Detta för att fysiken i ämnesplan 2011 är ett ämne för alla samhällsmedborgare och inte bara för de som skall studera vidare. / In our essay we have taken a closer look at the syllabus for the physics subject in the Swedish high school. We have compared the content and the formulation between the 2011 syllabus and the 2000 syllabus to be able to locate and analyze similarities and differences between them. Close readings of both the syllabuses and didactic- and pedagogic research have made this comparison and analyzes possible. Our purpose, as future pedagogues, with this essay is to contribute with our view of the syllabuses for the Swedish high school. Our work has shown that Nature of Science and Socio-Scientific Issues has gotten a more significant role than before. That is because physics in the 2011 syllabus is a subject for every member of the society and not just for those who shall continue study at the university.

Entreprenörskap är ett begrepp i den nya läroplanen vilket ska genomsyra skolan efter ett påbud från regeringen 2009. Den nya läroplanen för gymnasieskolan trädde i kraft med reform år 2011. Entreprenörskap är ett koncept som kan tolkas på olika sätt i skolan. Det kan ha en snäv betydelse i att vara ekonomiskt och syfta att utbilda i hur man driver företag eller en bred i att syfta till företagsamhet där ett flertal olika kompetenser hos eleven ska utvecklas genom undervisningen. Exempel på kompetenser är kreativitet, ansvarstagande och problemlösning. I denna studie var syftet att undersöka hur eller om lärare inom ämnet Biologi ansåg entreprenörskap vara ett relevant begrepp för undervisningen i Biologi samt hur de reflekterade kring begreppet. Undersökningen gjordes i form av semistrukturerad intervju av sex informanter, där samtliga var utövande gymnasielärare inom ämnet Biologi vid det Naturvetenskapliga programmet på sex olika skolor spridda genom Skåneregionen. Resultatet för studien var att lärarna ansåg att det relevanta perspektivet för undervisningen i Biologi var den breda kompetensutvecklande aspekten av entreprenörskap där fokus på mer studentaktiv undervisning kom in, även om inte samtliga lärare kände sig helt säkra på entreprenörskapets roll i skolan eller betydelsen för deras undervisning. Merparten av lärarna lyfte dock entreprenörskap som en relevant aspekt av skolan och undervisningen. Däremot lyftes tanken att entreprenörskap inte var något nytt för reformen, utan kanske var ett begrepp som blivit inskrivet för att tydliggöra vad skolan är menad att göra.

El tráfico ilícito de drogas cocaínicas, como toda actividad agro- industrial de transformación de materia prima, necesita de diversos factores de producción para poder elaborar el producto finalizado: el clorhidrato de cocaína y sus derivados. Si bien el insumo esencial es la hoja de coca, hay otros insumos necesarios para poder completar el proceso de transformación. Estos son los insumos y precursores químicos, sustancias que, por sus propiedades químicas, ayudan a separar y refinar el alcaloide presente de manera natural en la hoja de coca.