Thesis (Ed.D.)--University of West Florida, 2007. / Title from title page of source document. Document formatted into pages; contains 194 pages. Includes bibliographical references.

An attempt was made to predict the service life of the Black River Bridge using non-linear finite element analysis (NLFEA). Numerical modeling was performed using NLFEA software developed by Prof. Evan Bentz. A large number of analytical studies were conducted to assess the strength and behaviour of the bridge under normal truck loading and at failure loads. It was determined that the bridge is shear critical. Location of trucks that would cause maximum deflection and highest crack widths were identified. It is believed that these findings will have a significant impact on physical measurements that can be incorporated into future bridges, helping researchers determine the locations in the bridge that are ideal for instrumentation. Axial compression present in the bridge can significantly affect deflection and crack widths. Incorporating thermal and shrinkage effects into the NLFEA are recommended as topics for further research. Appropriate estimate of thermal and shrinkage strain will aid in better prediction of axial stresses.

An attempt was made to predict the service life of the Black River Bridge using non-linear finite element analysis (NLFEA). Numerical modeling was performed using NLFEA software developed by Prof. Evan Bentz. A large number of analytical studies were conducted to assess the strength and behaviour of the bridge under normal truck loading and at failure loads. It was determined that the bridge is shear critical. Location of trucks that would cause maximum deflection and highest crack widths were identified. It is believed that these findings will have a significant impact on physical measurements that can be incorporated into future bridges, helping researchers determine the locations in the bridge that are ideal for instrumentation. Axial compression present in the bridge can significantly affect deflection and crack widths. Incorporating thermal and shrinkage effects into the NLFEA are recommended as topics for further research. Appropriate estimate of thermal and shrinkage strain will aid in better prediction of axial stresses.

This thesis examines the ways in which the Magna Mater became an integral part of Augustan ideology and the visual language of the early principate. Traditionally, our picture of the Augustan Magna Mater has been shaped by evidence from literary sources. Here, however, the monuments of the goddess' cult are considered in their religio-political context. Works that link Augustus himself to the Magna Mater are shown to reveal that the goddess played a significant and hitherto unappreciated role in official propaganda. Part I examines the nature of the Augustan reconstruction of the Palatine Temple of the Magna Mater and challenges persistent claims that the princeps was disinterested in the metroac cult. Augustus' use of inexpensive building materials is shown to be, not a display of parsimony, but an attempt to retain the traditional appearance of a venerable structure. A reinterpretation of the temple's pedimental and acroterial sculpture, using the Valle-Medici reliefs, demonstrates that Augustus promoted the Magna Mater as an allegory of Rome's Trojan heritage and as a symbol of a new Golden Age. Part II investigates the topography of the Augustan precinct on the Palatine, and argues that the geographic linkage of the metroön and the House of Augustus became a topos in imperial imagery. It then demonstrates that several well-known works of art echo this connection between the princeps and the goddess. These works range from statues in the Circus Maximus designed to be viewed by thousands, to the Gemma Augustea, a luxury item intended for the elite. They are also found both inside and outside Rome. A reassessment of the Vicus Sandaliarius altar and the Sorrento base illustrates popular recognition of Augustus' reinvention of the Magna Mater as a national deity of Rome and the tutelary goddess of the Julio-Claudii.

This thesis presents a close comparison of Augustus Charles Pugin's illustrations for Paris and its Environs and Gustave Doré's illustrations for London: A Pilgrimage. This comparison will reveal what is distinctive about each publication. To achieve this, the thesis begins with a consideration of how these illustrated books fit into the oeuvres of the artists and writers involved, and how the works were subsequently received. The thesis then seeks to discover the ways the books adhere to the picturesque and Realist aesthetic modes. A comparison of the representation of social and political issues within the publications reveals how the city is either celebrated or critiqued in them. This is extended by a comparison with other English views of Paris and French views of London. The thesis concludes with the suggestion that the works under consideration are akin to illustrated guidebooks and novels. The illustrations themselves form the primary evidence for this comparison, supplemented by the accompanying written texts and other sources - including contemporary periodicals and biographical material. Paris and its Environs is a significant work within Pugin's oeuvre and shows how he created a view of Paris which would appeal to the tastes and aspirations of his readers. With London: A Pilgrimage, Doré created a view of London which would entertain his English audience but challenge them at the same time.

Cette thèse montre qu’il y a lieu de s’interroger sur l’extension et les différentes phases de construction de la première résidence augustéenne du Palatin et en particulier sur une partie de celle-ci: la maison de Livie. Actuellement, j'ai établi quatre phases de construction pour la Maison de Livie, la première peut être datée aux alentours de 70 av. J.-C. en raison des similitudes entre le type de ses murs et ceux des substructions du théâtre de Pompée, construit entre 61 et 55 av. J.-C. et aussi à cause d’une estampille de tuile trouvée dans la substruction du complexe sud-est, datée par Margareta Steinby autour de 79 av. J.-C en raison des vestiges souterrains, je suppose l'existence au premier étage, aujourd’hui disparu, d'un oecus corinthius du côté sud-est et d'une basilique du côté nord-ouest du bâtiment. Les trois autres phases relèvent de l’initiative d’Auguste, qui a acheté plusieurs maisons sur la colline de Palatin afin de construire un complexe résidentiel sur le modèle des palais hellénistiques. Les peintures de la Maison de Livie datées auparavant d'environ 30 av. J.-C. sont datées actuellement au tour de 40 avant J.-C. par Eugenio La Rocca qui a démontré que la maison avait été construite et décorée beaucoup plus tôt. Selon son hypothèse, la « rupture » stylistique entre la première phase et la deuxième phase du second style peut être attribuée à la présence de Cléopâtre à Rome entre 46 et 44 av. J.-C. La reine était très probablement accompagnée d'artistes travaillant pour elle dans les ateliers royaux d'Alexandrie. Il est donc probable que l'élite romaine aurait reproduit les styles et les goûts de César et de Cléopâtre. / This thesis show that there is cause to question the extension and the different construction phases of the House of Augustus and in particular, of a part of it, the House of Livia as recently Irene Iacopi and Giovanna Tedone published an important paper about the accuracy of dating of the construction phases in the Augustan palace. Currently I established four construction phases for the House of Livia, the first one can be dated around 70 B.C. because of the similarities between the type of its walls and the ones of Pompey’s theatre, built between 61 and 55 B.C. and also because of a tile’s stamp found in the substructure of the south-east complex, dated by Margareta Steinby around 79 B.C. Because of the underground remains I suppose the existence at the first floor, actually destroyed, of an oecus corinthius in the south-east side and a basilica in the north-west side of the building. The three more phases should have been linked to Augustus, who bought several houses on the Palatin hill in order to build a Hellenistic palace styled complex. La Rocca demonstrated that the decoration of the House of Livia started from 40 BC due to the presence of Cleopatra near Rome between 46 and 44 BC. The queen very probably was accompanied by artists working for her in the royal Alexandrian workshops. It is likely, therefore, that the Roman elite would have replicated the styles and tastes of Caesar and Cleopatra

The intractable problems posed by the decline of the Ottoman Empire were a defining feature of the nineteenth-century British experience. Events such as the Greek War of Independence (1821-32), the Crimean War (1853-5), and the Bulgarian Agitation (1876-8) were merely prominent denouements in the protracted history of what contemporaries called 'the Eastern Question'. The Eastern Question could be construed in many ways and admitted many answers. But by the 1870s, many Victorians had come to construe the Eastern Question as primarily an historical question. This thesis explores the ways in which Victorian public intellectuals brought 'historical-mindedness' to bear on the Eastern Question. Nineteenth-century historiography, it is suggested, may often be understood as a variety of contemporary political thought. Part One takes the historian E.A. Freeman, one of the Bulgarian Agitation's leaders, as its subject. Studied in depth, Freeman becomes a window onto how nineteenth-century intellectuals could experience and understand the Eastern Question. Part Two turns to the remarkable efflorescence of historical writing elicited by the so-called Eastern Crisis of 1875-80, investigating how historical arguments were invoked not merely in history books but also in newspaper reports, politically-freighted travel writing, and above all in periodical articles, over two-hundred of which are studied here. When Gladstone invoked the authority of 'the historical school of England' to criticise Lord Beaconsfield during this period, he did so advisedly, for historians both lay and professional were remarkably unanimous in their interpretation of events in south-eastern Europe. Drawing on the insights of comparative philology and often sympathetic to Eastern Orthodoxy for reasons of religion, these historians tended to emphasise the Balkan Christians' European identity, situating them within teleological narratives of progress which evoke contemporaneous Whig histories of England.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:35:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GiselleCS_tese.pdf: 1424263 bytes, checksum: 0a3b291c39e9d1dfd7f82f5c1ef897a3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-06-13 / The present study has as objective to explaining about the origins of the mathematical logic. This has its beginning attributed to the autodidactic English mathematician George Boole (1815-1864), especially because his books The Mathematical Analysis of Logic (1847) and An Investigation of the Laws of Thought (1854) are recognized as the inaugural works of the referred branch. However, surprisingly, in the same time another mathematician called Augutus of Morgan (1806-1871) it also published a book, entitled Formal Logic (1847), in defense of the mathematic logic. Even so, times later on this same century, another work named Elements of Logic (1875) it appeared evidencing the Aristotelian logic with Richard Whately (1787-1863), considered the better Aristotelian logical of that time. This way, our research, permeated by the history of the mathematics, it intends to study the logic produced by these submerged personages in the golden age of the mathematics (19th century) to we compare the valid systems in referred period and we clarify the origins of the mathematical logic. For that we looked for to delineate the panorama historical wrapper of this study. We described, shortly, biographical considerations about these three representatives of the logic of the 19th century formed an alliance with the exhibition of their point of view as for the logic to the light of the works mentioned above. In this sense, we aspirated to present considerations about what effective Aristotelian?s logic existed in the period of Boole and De Morgan comparing it with the new emerging logic (the mathematical logic). Besides of this, before the textual analysis of the works mentioned above, we still looked for to confront the systems of Boole and De Morgan for we arrive to the reason because the Boole?s system was considered better and more efficient. Separate of this preponderance we longed to study the flaws verified in the logical system of Boole front to their contemporaries' production, verifying, for example, if they repeated or not. We concluded that the origins of the mathematical logic is in the works of logic of George Boole, because, in them, has the presentation of a new logic, matematizada for the laws of the thought similar to the one of the arithmetic, while De Morgan, in your work, expand the Aristotelian logic, but it was still arrested to her / O presente estudo tem como objetivo uma elucida??o das origens da l?gica matem?tica. Esta tem seu in?cio atribu?do ao matem?tico ingl?s autodidata George Boole (1815-1864), especialmente porque seus livros The Mathematical Analysis of Logic (1847) e An Investigation of the Laws of Thought (1854) s?o reconhecidos como as obras inaugurais do referido ramo. Contudo, curiosamente, na mesma ?poca um outro matem?tico chamado Augutus de Morgan (1806-1871) tamb?m lan?ou um livro, intitulado Formal Logic (1847), em defesa da matematiza??o da l?gica. Mesmo assim, tempos depois neste mesmo s?culo, uma outra obra nomeada Elements of Logic (1875) surgiu evidenciando a l?gica aristot?lica a partir da figura de Richard Whately (1787-1863), considerado o maior l?gico aristot?lico da ?poca. Desta forma, nossa pesquisa, permeada pela hist?ria da matem?tica, prop?e estudar a l?gica produzida por estes personagens imersos na idade ?urea da matem?tica (s?culo XIX) a fim de compararmos os sistemas vigentes no referido per?odo e clarificarmos as origens da l?gica matem?tica. Para isso buscamos delinear o panorama hist?rico envolt?rio deste estudo. Descrevemos, brevemente, considera??es biogr?ficas destes tr?s representantes da l?gica do s?culo XIX aliadas ? exposi??o de seus pontos de vista quanto ? l?gica ? luz das obras citadas acima. Neste sentido, aspiramos ainda apresentar considera??es acerca do que existia de l?gica aristot?lica vigente no per?odo de Boole e De Morgan comparando-a com a nova l?gica emergente (a l?gica matem?tica). Al?m disso, diante da an?lise textual das obras citadas acima, buscamos ainda confrontar os sistemas de Boole e De Morgan a fim de chegarmos ao motivo pelo o qual o de Boole ter sido considerado melhor e mais eficiente. ? parte desta preponder?ncia, almejamos estudar as falhas constatadas no sistema l?gico de Boole frente ? produ??o de seus contempor?neos, verificando, por exemplo, se elas se repetiram ou n?o. Conclu?mos que as origens da l?gica matem?tica residem nas obras de l?gica de George Boole, visto que, nelas, h? a apresenta??o de uma nova l?gica, matematizada pelas leis do pensamento an?logas ?s da aritm?tica, enquanto De Morgan conseguiu em seu trabalho expandir a l?gica aristot?lica, mas ainda esteve preso a ela

The goal of this thesis on roman and greek reformers was to create a methodical summary of the most important constitutional reforms in ancient Rome and Greece. It is mostly focussed on the history of ancient Rome or Roman reformers, respectively. I call these reforms constitutional for their undoubted life-changing impact on the society as a whole - some of the reforms changed the ancient societies for the upcoming decades and even centuries, some changed them, as I believe, forever. For example a struggle between Lucius Cornelius Sulla and Gaius Marius had a far- reaching impact on Rome as too much of "unbreakable" rules were broken - which, of course, led to another and another heavy and unprecedented interventions which ultimately led to the fall of the republic and the beginning of the new, Imperial, era. Main sources of this thesis are the texts of ancient authors, such as Plutarch Suetonius and Appian, as it was one of my goals to use primary literature as much as possible.

Les musiciens professionnels romains ont longtemps été ignorés par l’historiographie. Seuls les grands artistes ont attiré l’attention des chercheurs, laissant de côté la majorité de ceux qui faisaient de la pratique musicale leur métier. L’épigraphie, principale source de cette étude, permet de changer de regard, en s’attachant à des hommes pour qui la musique pouvait être autre chose qu’une prestation artistique. En effet, des musiciens étaient quotidiennement appelés à participer au fonctionnement de la cité. Que ce soit pour appeler les citoyens aux rassemblements politiques ou aider aux rites de la religion publique, des hommes étaient, en tant que musiciens, au service de la cité. Les musiciens militaires, soldats et spécialistes à la carrière typée, ont fait l’objet d’une étude à part, pensée comme une contribution à l’histoire des postes inférieurs au centurionat.L’un des objectifs de cette enquête est de déterminer en quoi leur position de desservants mineurs de la cité avait des conséquences sociales pour les musiciens. Une approche prosopographique a permis de faire ressortir les caractéristiques sociales d’un groupe professionnel inséré dans la couche moyenne de la plèbe. Certains musiciens se détachent particulièrement de l’ensemble : les aenatores étaient, par excellence, des desservants sonores des cités. Le règne d’Auguste a marqué un temps fort pour la considération sociale de ces musiciens. Symboles de l’antiquité de Rome, ils étaient à même d’incarner une partie du discours augustéen. / No general study had focused on roman professional musicians. Famous artists have been considered, but everyday musicians remained ignored, even if some of them were exercising their talent for the benefit of the State. Musicians were used to summon citizens for the political meetings, or were expected to assist with the execution of state religion’s rites. Those men were, thanks to their musical performance, minor civil servants. Epigraphy is the main resource for this research. The prosopographical methodology chosen for this work has made it possible to reach these humble citizens. It also enabled a contribution to the history of the posts ranking under centurionate : their career paths of the military musicians were distinctive.As minor civil servants, how were musicians considered among the population of the roman cities ? These men belonged to the « middle class » plebs, but a special attention must be cast on the aenatores. They were, par excellence, civic musicians. Their history highlights Augustus’ reign : they seem to have enjoyed a special attention during the first princeps’ years. As epitomes of the Roman city’s antiquity, those men were ideal instruments chosen to trumpet the imperial ideology.