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Thesis (Ph.D. (Political Science)) -- University of Limpopo, 2022 / Much of the literature on the recent Libyan conflict is framed through a Westernised lens. This is an epistemic and ontological setback for Africa. Hence, the transition from the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to African Union (AU) with the principle of, “African solution to African problems,” seemed to be a plausible one after a number of imported solutions and western powers’ interventions that often left the continent worse off than before. Syria shared a similar situation with Libya but the intervention from the western powers differed significantly. Against this setback, this study employs Afrocentricity as an alternative theoretical lens to examine the incompatibilities of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation’s (NATO) involvement in the Libyan conflict within the context of the African Agenda. The objectives of the study were to evaluate the relations between AU and UNSC on the Libyan crisis, how the UNSC Res 1973 was understood and implemented AU and NATO and to reflect on the implications of NATO led military intervention under the pretext of Responsibility to Protect civilians in Libya. The involvement of NATO’s military force sealed not only the fate of Libyans with no long term plan to the resolution of the crisis but also severely restricted and undermined the efforts of AU in Libya. The efforts of AU and its roadmap were completely negated when NATO forces started their air raids. Divisions were clearly evident within NATO members with Germany and Netherlands opposing the motives of NATO. The intervention by NATO facilitated regime change and flooded the region with illicit trade in arms and goods, harboured armed extremists’ groups, and terrorists. The cauldron of all of the above effectively destabilised the region. It also exposed deep divisions within AU members, lack of coordination and the effects of limited resources on operations that could be handled continentally to avoid unsavoury interventions. In relation to the Libyan crisis, AU and NATO had divergent interests and could not cooperate in finding long lasting solutions. AU should in the future be proactive in resolving conflicts with the continent and should be prepared to fund its own operations in order to reduce dependence on foreign assistance in similar situations in the future.

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Thesis (Ph.D. (International Politics)) -- University of Limpopo, 2021 / This thesis analyses China’s foreign policy towards Africa. Given that the rich literature on the discourse employs “traditional” theories such as realism, liberalism and social constructivism, the researcher employs an alternative theory of Afrocentricity on China-Africa relations. As an emerging theory in International Politics that is grounded and orientated in African value systems, Afrocentricity provides an alternative perspective in making sense of Global South relations. The study further makes use of case study design to make a comparative analysis of China’s engagement in Africa. The two African states utilised as case studies includes Zambia and Zimbabwe, respectively. The usage of two case studies allowed the researcher to showcase how internal politics of African states influence to some extent; China’s engagements in the continent. Despite the two China-Africa policy of 2006 and 2015, this thesis argues that China’s relations with each African state is unique. The generalisation on several findings of China’s engagement with one African state observed in the existing literature enforces the epistemic violence on the rest of African states in terms of the explanation and understanding of their bilateral relations with China. This is so because China’s engagement with one state cannot be regarded as a microcosm of China’s engagement with the rest of African states in formal diplomatic relations with it. Unlike the dominant theories that problematise China-Africa relations, Afrocentricity proposes a holistic approach on making sense of Sino-Africa relations. The thesis comparatively explore China’s foreign policy towards Zambia and Zimbabwe from the year 2010 to 2018. In doing so, qualitative approach was conducted. Data source triangulation was utilised in addressing the research problem to enhance the credibility and dependability of the study. The study made us of thematic analysis by analysing data by theme and sub-themes. The thesis finds that China’s relations with African states is still a debated terrain with different views. The views can be quite misleading if focused on one specific state or project under study. v More so, China’s engagements become more explicit when explored at both regional and continental context. The study further denotes the ignored reality that China does not only prioritise rich oil states in the continent. Instead, there are quite a number of interests pursued by China in Africa such as mineral resources; investments, markets as well as farming and commercial agriculture driving China’s engagement in Zambia and Zimbabwe respectively. The thesis also reflects on China’s extent of abiding to the principles of peaceful co-existence in its relations with Zambia and Zimbabwe. Amongst the recommendations of this study and way forward is that future research on China-Africa relations could explore other African states in bilateral relations with it. This would assist in deviating from the generalised view of China-Africa relations which is not detailed and does not assist in showcasing comprehensive reality on the ground. Alternatively, scholars can consider the same case studies and make use of different delimitations to help detect if there is any gradual shift of China’s foreign policy from the years focused in this study. Upcoming works can consider contributions of China-Africa relations from a non-western perspective such as Afrocentricity employed in this study.

The study has been prompted by the gap that exists regarding gender and land in Zimbabwean fiction. The study therefore seeks to interrogate the gender and land ownership discourse in Shona fiction in relation to the current conflict of access to land by race, class and gender. The study therefore examines the following fictional works; Feso (1956), Dzasukwa-Mwana-Asina-Hembe (1967), Pafunge (1972), Kuridza Ngoma Nedemo (1985), Vavariro (1990) and Sekai Minda Tave Nayo (2005). Of significance is the fact that the selected fictional works traverse the different historical periods that Zimbabwe as a nation has evolved through. Apart from analysing the selected fictional works, the study also collected data through open-ended interviews and questionnaires to triangulate findings from the fictional works. The selected fictional writers present the different experiences of black Zimbabweans through land loss and the strategies taken by the indigenous people in trying to regain their lost heritage, the land. The exegesis of the selected fictional works is guided by Afro-centred perspectives of Africana Womanism and Afrocentricity. Findings from most of the selected fictional works reveals the selective exclusion of blacks, both male and female, from accessing land and other vital resources from the colonial right up to post-independence periods in Zimbabwe. The study observes that Shona traditional culture accorded both genders the requisite space in terms of land ownership in the pre-colonial period. The study also establishes that colonialism through its numerous legislations stripped black men and women of the fertile land which they formerly collectively owned. The study also establishes that disillusioned black men and women worked extremely hard to regain their lost land as reflected in the unsanctioned land grabs as well as the government sanctioned Fast Track Land Reform Programme. Recommendations for future research include the expansion of such research to include works of fiction in other languages as well as different genres. Future land policies stand to benefit from the inclusion of women in decision making since women the world over have been confirmed as workers of the land. This is likely to deal with the gender divide regarding land ownership patterns both within and outside Zimbabwe. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

In this study, we employ the theory of deconstruction to challenge and reject the contention that a knowledge paradigm was non-existent among the indigenous people of Zimbabwe before the arrival of the colonisers. This is necessary because the imposition of the colonisers’ knowledge paradigm was premised on the supposed absence of an epistemology among the indigenous people. In defending the thesis that education and indeed an epistemology was in existence among the indigenous people of Zimbabwe, we submit that education is part of any given culture. In the light of this, it becomes untenable to deny the existence of education among the indigenous people of Zimbabwe before the arrival of the colonisers. Knowledge ceases to be the exclusive preserve of the colonisers. It must be noted that the imposition of the colonisers’ knowledge paradigm was accompanied by the suppression and partial destruction of the epistemology of the indigenous people. The suppression and partial destruction of the indigenous people’s epistemological paradigm is called epistemicide. The epistemicide that the colonisers inflicted on the indigenous people led to the exclusive dominance of their knowledge paradigm in the school curriculum at the expense of that of the indigenous people. In the light of this status quo, we present transformation and Africanisation as corrective to the unjustified dominance of the present day curriculum by the epistemological paradigm of the colonisers. We argue that despite the commendable proposals contained in the Report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry into Education and Training (1999: 24) to change the curriculum so that unhu/ubuntu becomes its organising principle and to allow the co-existence of the indigenous people’s epistemological paradigm and others, in practice the dominance of the colonisers’ epistemological paradigm remains in place. We submit that the Africanisation of the curriculum is a matter of justice that demands the end of the dominance of the knowledge paradigm of the colonisers and the co-existence of the indigenous people’s knowledge paradigm and others / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D.Litt et Phil. (Philosophy)

PhD (African Studies) / Department of African Studies / Moral degeneration is rampant among the youth across the globe. Juvenile delinquency and diversified social ills are prevalent and manifesting moral degeneration among the youth. This study sought to explore youth moral degeneration at Makuya area in the Vhembe District, Limpopo Province, South Africa. The study is qualitative and exploratory in nature. Non-probability purposive sampling technique was used to select twenty-eight research participants comprised of the parents, educators, youth, religious leaders, traditional leaders, social workers and SAPS officials. Data was collected using unstructured face-to-face interviews and focus group discussions to gain insights of youth moral degeneration challenges. The narrative analysis method was used to analyse and interpret data. The study found that moral degeneration among the youth at Makuya area is rife and is exemplified by the high rate of teenage pregnancies, teen parenthood, school dropout, alcohol and substance abuse, bullying trends, vandalism and other criminal acts committed by the youth in the Makuya area. The study recommended the use of a multi-pronged comprehensive youth moral regeneration strategy which emphasises the restoration, among the others, humanness, love, discipline, integrity, respect for authority, promotion of accountability and responsibility. / NRF

This study is about four interrelated key issues, namely, critique of Thomas Sankara as a political figure and erstwhile president of Burkina Faso; examination of Pan-Africanism as a movement, theory, ideology and uniting force for Africans and people of African descent globally; evaluation of leadership and governance lessons drawn from Burkina Faso’s August 1983 revolution, its successes, challenges, and shortcomings, and lastly; it draws socioeconomic and developmental lessons from the Burkina Faso experience under Sankara’s administration during the brief period from 1983 until his untimely assassination on 15 October 1987. The ousting of Blaise Compaore in October 2014 brought to the fore Sankara’s long buried and suppressed legacy, and this is what, in part, led to me deciding to do a systematic and thorough study of Sankara and the Burkina Faso Revolution. Two theories were used in the study – Pan Africanism and Afrocentricity - because they together centre and privilege the African people’s plight and agency and the urgent need for Africans to find solutions to their own problems in the same way Sankara emphasised the need for an independent endogenous development approach in Burkina Faso. Methodologically, a Mixed Methods Research (MMR) approach was employed so as to exploit and leverage the strengths of each individual approach and due to the complex nature of the phenomena studied. The study argues that the nerve centre of developmental efforts in Burkina Faso was a self-propelled, self-centred, and endogenous development model which placed the agency and responsibility, first and foremost, in the hands of Burkinabe people themselves using their own internal resources to improve their lives. Secondly, agrarian reforms were designed in such a way that they formed the bedrock of economic self-reliance and industrial development in Burkina Faso. Lastly, overall findings of the study indicate that the revolutionary cause and intervention in all critical sectors such as education, health, and the economy were prioritised and the pace at which these sectors were overhauled was crucial. Implication of these findings for development in Africa is that development cannot be externally imported either through foreign direct investments or through a straight-jacket policy transfer where African countries often borrow European economic policies and try to implement them in drastically different contexts and historical epochs. / Political Sciences / Ph. D. (Philosophy)

The research is an Afrocentric engagement that analyses selected songs by Tongai Moyo and Hosiah Chipanga in post-independence Zimbabwe. The study is informed by Afrocentricity, which provides the theoretical anchorage to the exposition and elucidation of the pursuit for independence, liberation and freedom of Zimbabweans in the post-independence era. The study analyses selected sungura songs composed and sung by Hosiah Chipanga and Tongai Moyo in post-2000 era. The study indicates that post-independence Zimbabwe of 2000 to 2010 reflects a decade of crisis. The exposition unfolds through a critical exegesis of selected songs by these sungura artists. The two sungura musicians are among the leading musical voices in Zimbabwe. The study is largely qualitative in nature and used interviews and questionnaires to solicit information from research participants. Respondents comprise musicians, music producers and academics in the Zimbabwe. The study stimulates more interest and research in sungura music as well as illuminating the significance of their messages to ongoing debates on the Zimbabwean crisis/crises thereby establishing the relationship between music and politics. This position is made against the backdrop of their commitment and courageous efforts by such protest musicians to comment on ‘big’ political and economic issues seriously affecting the performance of Zimbabwean economy. The study also establishes that cronyism, patronage and corruption have become major industries of the day in Africa. Through fighting for the voiceless masses, the study argues that Zimbabwe is faced by the crisis of governance and the nation has taken the medals of humiliating its own people. Pertaining to the leadership crisis in Zimbabwe, the study also shows that musicians who include Hosiah Chipanga and Tongai Moyo insinuate that the deep seated Zimbabwean challenges are a manifestation of a nation that is parentless. In their protest music, the artists reiterate that poverty, hunger, diseases and other forms of sufferings that the country encountered and continue to face are a sign of a country that is an orphan implying the dearth of people centred leadership. Additionally, findings from the study show that the land issue is one of the commonly identified factors that are ascribed to partial independence in Zimbabwe translating into crisis. The land question invited attention from Hosiah Chipanga as reflected in his post-2000 music where he suggests that Zimbabweans were to a larger extent betrayed by ZANU (PF) leadership. / Linguistics and Modern Languages / D. Phil. (Languages, Linguistics and Literature)