Depuis le début des années 2000, émergent sous le vocable « habitat participatif » des initiatives portées par des groupes d'habitants désireux de concevoir et de gérer collectivement un programme immobilier au sein duquel ils disposeraient d'un logement privatif et partageraient des espaces. Des acteurs institutionnels tels que les collectivités territoriales et les organismes d'HLM se sont progressivement saisis de ces projets d'abord circonscrits au milieu habitant pour conduire des actions en faveur de leur développement. Cette thèse interroge les modalités selon lesquelles cette initiative habitante qu'est l'habitat participatif a émergé dans le champ de l'action publique pour y être à présent intégrée et faire l'objet d'un chapitre dans le projet de loi pour l'Accès au Logement et un Urbanisme Rénové (ALUR), dont la discussion a débuté en septembre 2013. A l'issue d'une première partie de cadrage de la recherche, la genèse de l'habitat participatif en France est retracée, à partir de ses références et des acteurs qui le composent historiquement : les habitants. La thèse propose ensuite une analyse du processus de mise en politique de l'habitat participatif : l'origine de la convocation de la puissance publique, ses modalités et l'intérêt porté par les collectivités et les organismes d'Hlm à ces initiatives sont alors analysés. Le processus de mise en politique apparait alors avant tout comme tourbillonnaire. Des éléments précis quant à la traduction concrète de l'engagement des acteurs institutionnels sont avancés en dernier lieu et ouvrent sur une mise en débat des rapports entre acteurs-habitants et institutions / From the early 2000 onwards, cohousing inhabitant-led initiatives have emerged under the French label “Habitat participatif”. They consist in collectively designing and managing blocks of flats in which one can dispose of a private space while sharing the rest. Although they started as inhabitant projects only, institutions like local authorities and social housing landlords have gradually been involved in their development. This PhD research explores the way this inhabitant project became a matter of interest in public action and was given importance in the next Housing law which is discussed since September 2013. After a first part dedicated to research framing, cohousing genesis in France is described through the references it invokes and its initial representatives : inhabitants. Then cohousing agenda-setting is analyzed, looking at the first appeals to public intervention, the shape of this intervention and local authorities and public housing sector's interest in cohousing projects. Cohousing agenda-setting proves to be a whirlwind process. Accurate elements about institutions actual commitment and its consequences are exposed in the fourth part, opening discussion on relationships between inhabitants and institutions

Security sector reform has in the recent past been a critical component of peace agreements in countries emerging from armed conflicts or political crisis. In Kenya, the Commission of Inquiry into the 2007/08 Post-Election Violence (CIPEV) established that Kenya’s security sector, particularly the police, bore the greatest responsibility for the violence. Subsequently, the police emerged as one of the major institutions for reforms. ‘How have security sector reforms, particularly police reforms, in Kenya developed since 2007 and how, and to what extent, have they been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and SSR process during this period?’ The research aimed at investigating how the police reform process in Kenya has developed since 2007, and how the process has been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and security sector reform processes in general. Using mixed methods research, we found that despite some progress, there is wider public perception that the reforms are yet to address reform priorities at the national level and still fall short of expectations of ordinary Kenyans. We argue that political power-sharing after the 2007 post-election violence facilitated police reform, while at the same time frustrated its implementation especially in instances where reform seemed to dis-empower political elites.

A produção habitacional brasileira teve um grande impulso a partir da ascensão do Partido dos Trabalhadores à Presidência da República, ocorrida em 2003. Este trabalho mostra que a recuperação do setor se deve a uma sucessão de reformas incrementais na estrutura institucional criada durante os governos militares. Estas reformas se iniciaram no governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB), mas apenas no governo Lula (PT) ocorre a conjunção de condições necessárias que possibilitaram a grande expansão da produção de moradias. A política habitacional, por sua vez, está inserida no projeto de poder petista, de característica social-democrata, baseado no crescimento econômico e na expansão de programas sociais. Demonstra-se, por meio da análise de documentos, entrevistas e pesquisa de opinião com empresários, que houve uma confluência de interesses entre a administração petista e o empresariado da construção civil este, interessado em ampliar seus negócios, e aquele, em ampliar a oferta de emprego e o nível de atividade da economia. O ápice desse processo se dá com o lançamento do maior programa de habitação social implantado no país, no qual as construtoras têm papel central na elaboração, viabilização e execução de projetos de moradia social. / Brazilian Housing production has received a great boost since the Workers Party (PT) came into power, in 2003. This work demonstrates that the recovery of the sector is due to a succession of incremental changes to the institutional structure that was created under military governments and which began with the administration of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB). It was only during the Lula administration (PT), however, that the set of reforms were enacted which were to enable the big increase in housing construction. The housing policy, in turn, forms an integral part of the PT social democratic platform, based on economic growth and the expansion of social programs. The analysis of documents, interviews and a survey among construction executives bring to light the combined interests of the Workers Party administration and those of construction companies the latter having an interest in expanding their business and the government, in expanding employment as well as the level of economic activity. This process culminated in the biggest social housing program ever launched in the country, in which construction companies play a major role in drawing up, researching and carrying out social housing projects.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T14:42:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 389498.pdf: 844878 bytes, checksum: 9272fe39e6ce0f0ad7a083bb2ebb6a2c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-01-12 / A hip?tese do agenda-setting ? um tipo de efeito social, na m?dia, que compreende a sele??o, disposi??o e incid?ncia de not?cias sobre os temas que o p?blico falar? e discutir?. Dentro do contexto dos estudos sobre os efeitos dos meios de comunica??o na sociedade, surge nos anos 70 a investiga??o da hip?tese do agenda setting. Esta tese de doutorado pretende mostrar a possibilidade de o processo de agenda-setting (agendamento) ser realizado, tamb?m, atrav?s de campanhas publicit?rias e de a??es de Rela??es P?blicas. Al?m disso, apresenta a hip?tese de sobreagendamento. O tema escolhido para o desenvolvimento desse trabalho foi a recupera??o do conceito de cobertura de telefonia m?vel (celular), realizado pela operadora Claro Digital, no estado do Rio Grande do Sul, de 1999 a 2002, utilizando a Grounded Theory

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Tereza Garcia.pdf: 748941 bytes, checksum: bec43584fc8ef534f0fea68399fad8c8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-06 / This paper presents the proposal of public journalism implanted by TV Cultura, and the mishaps encountered in this decade of implementation. In spite of the creation of public journalism celebrating two decades in the United States, the concept is ignored and disbelieved for some. The public journalism, which emerged as a movement by American journalists, was focused on the reunion of journalism with democratic principles and ethics in all the news production, and not necessarily proposing a new format or a new category of journalism. Act that way, however, requires more than just good intentions or good will, since the journalistic output was hampered by diverse interests of the company that manages it. Thus, the study conducted here takes into account the political and economic contexts in which public journalism was practiced, as well as professional and technological conditions for its development, using for this, the concepts discussed in the theories of journalism and agenda-setting newsmaking / Este trabalho aborda a proposta de jornalismo público implantada pela TV Cultura, bem como os percalços encontrados nesta década de sua implantação. Completando agora duas décadas de criação do jornalismo público nos Estados Unidos, o conceito ainda esbarra no desconhecimento e no descrédito de alguns. O jornalismo público, que surgiu como um movimento por parte de jornalistas norteamericanos, tinha como foco o reencontro do jornalismo com os princípios democráticos e com a ética em toda a produção da notícia e não propunha exatamente uma nova formatação ou uma nova categoria jornalística. Atuar dessa maneira, no entanto, exige mais do que apenas boas intenções ou boa vontade, já que a produção jornalística esbarra em interesses diversos da empresa que o gerencia. Dessa forma, o estudo aqui realizado leva em conta os contextos político e econômico nos quais o jornalismo público foi praticado, bem como as condições tecnológicas e profissionais para o seu desenvolvimento, usando para isso os conceitos discutidos nas teorias jornalísticas de agenda-setting e newsmaking

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Tereza Garcia.pdf: 748941 bytes, checksum: bec43584fc8ef534f0fea68399fad8c8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-06 / This paper presents the proposal of public journalism implanted by TV Cultura, and the mishaps encountered in this decade of implementation. In spite of the creation of public journalism celebrating two decades in the United States, the concept is ignored and disbelieved for some. The public journalism, which emerged as a movement by American journalists, was focused on the reunion of journalism with democratic principles and ethics in all the news production, and not necessarily proposing a new format or a new category of journalism. Act that way, however, requires more than just good intentions or good will, since the journalistic output was hampered by diverse interests of the company that manages it. Thus, the study conducted here takes into account the political and economic contexts in which public journalism was practiced, as well as professional and technological conditions for its development, using for this, the concepts discussed in the theories of journalism and agenda-setting newsmaking / Este trabalho aborda a proposta de jornalismo público implantada pela TV Cultura, bem como os percalços encontrados nesta década de sua implantação. Completando agora duas décadas de criação do jornalismo público nos Estados Unidos, o conceito ainda esbarra no desconhecimento e no descrédito de alguns. O jornalismo público, que surgiu como um movimento por parte de jornalistas norteamericanos, tinha como foco o reencontro do jornalismo com os princípios democráticos e com a ética em toda a produção da notícia e não propunha exatamente uma nova formatação ou uma nova categoria jornalística. Atuar dessa maneira, no entanto, exige mais do que apenas boas intenções ou boa vontade, já que a produção jornalística esbarra em interesses diversos da empresa que o gerencia. Dessa forma, o estudo aqui realizado leva em conta os contextos político e econômico nos quais o jornalismo público foi praticado, bem como as condições tecnológicas e profissionais para o seu desenvolvimento, usando para isso os conceitos discutidos nas teorias jornalísticas de agenda-setting e newsmaking

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Efter uppkomsten av hashtaggen #metoo blev sexuella övergrepp och trakasserier ett starkt diskuterat ämne i Sverige och flertalet personer blev uthängda i media efter anklagelser om sexualbrott. Med en rådande oro om hur informationspåverkan kan vara negativ påstod flera forskare att media agerat rättegång genom att de hängts ut utan att ges chansen att försvara sig själva. Denna undersökning har därför gjort en jämförande kvantitativ innehållsanalys på två olika nyhetskällor på internet ­­– Aftonbladet och Svenska motståndsrörelsen, om deras rapportering om sexualbrott efter #metoo. Den förstnämnda är var en etablerad tidning som politiskt beskrevs som socialdemokratisk oberoende. Den andra var en alternativ tidning som sympatiserade med den alternativa högern. Det var olika benämningar inom gestaltning av förövaren, tonalitet till händelsen och volymen på artiklarna som undersöktes. Sedan tolkades resultatet hermeneutiskt utifrån ett agendasättande synsätt samt att ojämlikheter mellan de olika komponenterna bidrog till social stratifiering. Variablerna inom gestaltningen var ras, politisk inriktning, kön och namn. Undersökningen visar att det skedde en stark ojämlikhet i vem som de valt att hänga ut i media, samt hur denne beskrivs. Det var både en ojämlikhet mellan de olika två tidningarna och inom dem. Detta stärker förfarandet om informationspåverkan och uppmärksammar opartiskhet hos medierna samt vikten av källkritiskhet. / After the emerge of the hashtag #metoo, sexual abuse and harassment became a heavily debated topic in Sweden and a lot of people were portrayed in the media after allegations of sexual offenses. With an increasing concern about how the information affects can be negative, several researchers claimed that the media acted as a trial by hanging them out without giving the opportunity to defend themselves.   This thesis has therefore made comparative quantitative content analysis on two different news sources on the internet – Aftonbladet and Svenska motståndsrörelsen movement with their reporting about sex crimes following the #metoo. The first mentioned was a mainstream newspaper that politically was referred to as social-democratic independence. The second where an alternative media that sympathizes with the alternative right-movement.   There were different terms in the form of the perpetrator, tonality to the event and the volume of the articles that were investigated. Then the result was based on an agenda setting approach and that inequalities between the different components contribute to social stratification. The variables in the design were race, political orientation, gender and name.   The survey result shows that there was a strong inequality in who you choose to hang in the media, as well as how this is described. There were both an inequality between the two newspapers and within them. This strengthens the process of information impact and draws attention to the impartiality of the media and the importance of source criticism.

Brott är generellt sett ett område som motsvarar många kriterier för nyhetsvärdering inom journalistiken och ämnet lockar till läsning. När media rapporterar om olika händelser i världen får därför framförallt våldsbrott mycket publicitet. Det finns tidigare forskning som visar att medias frekventa rapportering om brott skapar en obefogad rädsla hos befolkningen. Mycket forskning kring brott i media finns både nationellt och internationellt, men denna studie fokuserar på en viss typ av brottslighets plats i media som inte alls är lika utforskat, nämligen organiserad brottslighet. Vi tittar på hur den organiserade brottsligheten gestaltas i svensk nyhetsmedia, vilka skillnader det finns i rapporteringen av denna typ av brott i jämförelse med annan kriminalitet, samt om rapporteringen i morgonpress och kvällspress skiljer sig från varandra. Undersökningen gjordes genom en kvantitativ innehållsanalys på 200 artiklar. Hälften av dessa var publicerade i Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet som representerar morgonpress medan den andra hälften hämtats från Aftonbladet och Expressen som i undersökningen representerar kvällspress. Artiklarna är också uppdelade där 100 stycken behandlar organiserad brottslighet och de resterande 100 annan typ av kriminalitet. Undersökningen visade att rapporteringen om de olika typerna av brott skiljer sig. Organiserad brottslighet får mer fysisk plats i tidningarna då de i fler fall finns med bilder. Denna typ av kriminalitet framställs som ett större hot/risk än annan brottslighet, händelser gestaltas mer förstorat, och bilderna i dessa artiklar förstärker ofta en hotfull känsla. Organiserad brottslighet gestaltas som farligare än annan brottslighet. Vi såg utöver detta också skillnader i de olika typerna av press. Kvällspress skriver på ett mer förstorat sätt om organiserad brottslighet än vad morgonpress gör, vilket i denna studie innebär att de använder fler ord som endast finns där i syfte att förstärka olika känslor. Kvällspress använder sig också mer av bilder för att befästa de känslorna artikeln ska förmedla. Med stöd av dagordningsteorin, nyhetsvärdering och nyhetsurval, gestaltningsteorin samt kriminaljournalistik har vi utefter våra resultat analyserat och diskuterat vår forskningsfråga. Vi förstår varför organiserad brottslighet får mycket plats då den uppfyller kriterier för att skapa mediedramaturgi, men anser att det kan vara problematiskt då media med hjälp av sin gestaltning kan skapa en obefogad oro och rädsla bland publiken. Detta påverkar inte bara individen utan även samhället i stort eftersom människors bild av den kriminella världen kanske inte stämmer överens med verkligheten. Eftersom detta kan ge effekt på hela samhället anser vi att studien är relevant för makthavare i landet och Polismyndigheten. Under denna studie har det framgått att forskning om organiserad brottslighet är begränsad. Det finns dåligt med statistik och fakta om denna typ av brott och vi ser gärna att man i framtiden forskar vidare i fältet. Som påbyggnad av detta finns det inte heller mycket forskning att hitta om organiserad brottslighet i förhållande till media. Detta saknas framförallt i svensk forskning och vi skulle gärna se framtida svenska forskare fördjupa sig mer i detta område, till exempel genom en liknande studie, med ett större empiriskt material, för att få en ännu bättre bild av gestaltningen av organiserad brottslighet i media. / Crime is an area that meets the requirements for being highly valued as a news topic and is often something that attracts the readers. When media is reporting about what’s going on in the world is especially violent crimes getting much publicity. Previous research shows that medias frequent way to report about crimes creates an uncalled-for fear among the population. There is a lot of national and international research about crime in media, but this study will focus on a special type of crime and the place it has in media, namely organized crime. We look at how organized crime is portrayed in Swedish news media, which differences it is compared to other crimes, and also if morning press and tabloid press reports in different ways and in that case how. The study was done by a quantitative content analysis on 200 articles. Half of these were published in Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet which is morning press while the other half is from Aftonbladet and Expressen which represents the tabloid press. The articles is also divided in to 100 articles about organized crimes and the remaining 100 about other crimes. The study shows that the reporting about the two types of crimes has differences. Organized crime gets more physical space in the papers due to the fact that these crimes more often has pictures in the articles. This type of crime is portrayed like a bigger threat and risk compared to other crimes, it is often written in a magnified way and the pictures is used to increase the sense of threat/risk. Organized crime is portrayed as much more dangerous than other crimes. We also saw differences in the two types of newspaper. Tabloid press is writing in a more magnified way than morning press, which in this study means that they more often use words that is only there in the purpose of increasing the sense of threat. Tabloid press is also using more pictures to fortify the feeling that the article is supposed to mediate. With the support of the agenda setting theory, valuation and selection of news, framing theory and court journalism did we along our results analyze and discuss the research question. We understand why organized crime is getting as much publicity as it does, due to the fact that it fulfills the criterias to create media dramaturgi, but we also see it as a problem as media with its portraying can create an uncalled-for fear and concern among the crowd. It does not just affect the person but also the society since the image of the criminal world that people has disagree with the reality. Since this can affect the entire society we mean that this study is relevant for rulers of the country and the police. During the study has it been stated that research about organized crime is limited. There is not much statistics and facts about this type of crime, so we would like to see more research in this field overall. Build up on this there is not much research to find about organized crime in relation to media either. Above all it is the swedish research that’s lacking in this field and we would like to see future swedish researchers immerse themselves into this field. For example, through a study like this, but with a bigger empirical data, to get a better understanding of the relationship between organized crime and media.

As eleições 2010 entraram para a história da comunicação política como a primeira em que candidatos puderam fazer uso de outras plataformas digitais que não fossem os websites. O conteúdo divulgado pelos políticos, assessores e internautas nas redes sociais acabou sendo apropriado e noticiado pela imprensa. Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo compreender melhor como a internet, e mais precisamente o Twitter, tem interferido e alterado o modo de produção jornalística na cobertura das eleições e quais foram os efeitos nas reportagens publicadas. Para isso, buscaremos analisar como os jornais Folha de S.Paulo e O Globo fizeram uso de posts do Twitter na cobertura da campanha presidencial. Nosso intuito é avaliar se os jornais buscaram captar o comportamento dos internautas no microblo g ou se reproduziram mais os tweets dos candidatos, assessores e outras fontes notáveis. Pretendemos verificar ainda as características dos posts utilizados pelos veículos em suas matérias e notas e criar categorias que identifiquem quais assuntos que circulavam no microblog eram de interesse da imprensa. / The 2010 elections entered into the history of political communication as the first in which candidates could use other digital platforms that were not websites. The content published by politicians, press assistants and Internet users on social networks ended up being appropriate and transformed in news by the press. This research wishes to better understand how the internet, and more specifically the Twitter, has interfered and changed the production mode in the journalistic coverage of the elections and what were its effects on published reports. We will try to analyze how newspapers "Folha de S.Paulo" and "O Globo" used Twitter posts in coverage of the presidential campaign. Our intention is to value if these newspapers tried to capture the behavior of Internet users on microblog or only have reproduced tweets from candidates, press assistants and other notable sources. We also intend to examine characteristics of the posts published in these papers and to create categories to identify which issues mentioned in the microblog attracted interest of press.