This thesis provides a contextualised exegesis and re-evaluation of the anarchist Pierre- Joseph Proudhon's writings on war and peace. The thesis has two claims to originality. The first lies in shedding new light on Proudhon's voluminous writings on international politics. These texts have been relatively marginalised in the broader secondary literature on Proudhon's thinking, and the thesis seeks to correct this important lacuna. In International Relations (IR), the academic discipline to which this thesis will make its most obvious original contribution, Proudhon's writings on war and peace have been almost completely ignored. By providing an anarchist approach to world politics, the thesis will also contribute to IR's historiographical and critical theoretical literature. The second claim to originality lies in using these writings and the context from which they emerged to tell a story about the evolution of the nineteenth century, the origins of the twentieth century and provide possible ways of thinking beyond the twenty first. The thesis employs a contextualist methodology that works in four ways. First, I have contextualised Proudhon's thought geo-politically, in relation to the dynamics of the balance of power in nineteenth-century Europe. Secondly, I have sought to understand Proudhon's ideas against the backdrop of the evolution of the French nation state in the mid to late nineteenth century. Third, I have shown how Proudhon's thought emerges out of the dominant intellectual currents of his day – ideas that range from the inspiration for the activism of Fourierist and Saint-Simonian feminists, to the epochal influence of Rousseau and Kant. Finally, I argue that Proudhon's thinking on world politics needs to be understood in relation to the evolution of his own thinking after Napoleon III's coup d'état of the 2nd of December 1851. I will show that Proudhon's mature anarchism, his mutualist federalism, was an engaged response to each of these social and intellectual contexts. I will argue that his critiques of these processes, and their intellectual champions, have been given an added poignancy given that he campaigned in large part against those very processes that culminated in two world wars.

Orientador: Marcos Tadeu Del Roio / Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como objetivo realizar um estudo da perspectiva das seções suíças da Associação Internacional dos Trabalhadores (1864-1877). Pelo fato da historiografia, no estudo da Internacional, centrar-se na ação política de Marx e Engels, quando não de Bakunin, realizamos aqui um trabalho que, na terminologia de Walter Benjamin, chama-se de história à contra-pelo, ou seja, realizamos um estudo pormenorizado que dá ênfase aos vários militantes, à dinâmica da organização em sua rotina e do desenvolvimento da luta desta ala internacionalista que ficou conhecida como "autonomista", "bakuninista", "anti-autoritária" e, por fim, "anarquista". Fizemos um estudo sobre a Suíça e sua modernização, seguido de um estudo dos textos dos militantes das seções suíças, das atas dos Congressos Internacionais e dos trabalhados que versaram sobre o tema. Para além disso, buscaremos desenvolver a hipótese de que a Internacional "autonomista" desapareceu devido um erro teórico imanente à sua concepção: o internacionalismo operário, irrigado com uma concepção proudhoniana e materialista dialética leva a uma concepção cosmopolita que não entende a necessidade de um debate sério sobre a questão nacional. / Abstract: The present work aims to make a study on the perspective of the Swiss Sections of the International Association of Workers (1864-1877) on the history of this very same. By the fact of the historiography in the study of the Internationnale, in general, to focus on the political action of Marx, Engels and Bakunin, we are doing here a work, in the definition of Walter Benjamin, from the history to the So, we make a careful study highlighting the militants, at the dinamic of the organization of his rattan and the development of the struggle of this internationalist branch that remains called "autonomist", "bakuninist", "anti-authoritarian "And" anarchist ". We are doing a study on Switzerland and its modernization, followed by a study of the texts of the activists of the Swiss Sections, the memoirs of the International Congresses and work on the theme. Beyond that, we will seek to develop the following hypothesis: the "autonomist" International disappeared why a theoretical error immanent in its conception: the workers' internationalism, irrigated with a Proudhonian conception and a materialistic and dialectical conception leads, in Sections of the Jura Swiss, to a cosmopolitan conception that does not understand the need for a serious reflection on the national question. / Résumé: Le present travail a comme objective faire un étudé sur la perspective des Sections suisses de l’Association Internationale des Travailleurs (1864-1877) sur l’histoire de ceci même. Par le fait de la historiographie dans l’étudé de l’Internationnale, en générale, se concentrer sur l’action politique de Marx, Engels et Bakunin, nous faisons ici un travail, dans la définition de Walter Benjamin, de la histoire a l’envers, ainsi, nous faisons un étudé minutieux en soulignant les militants, à la dinamique de la organization de son rotine et de le développment de la lutte de cette branche internacionaliste que reste appellé “autonomiste”, “bakuniniste”, “anti-autoritaire” et “anarchiste”. Nous faisons un étudé sur la Suisse et son modernisation, suivi d’un étudé des textes des militants de las Sections suisses, de las memoires de les Congrès Internationaux et des travaux sur le thème. Au dela, nous rechercherons dèvelopper l’hypothèse suivant : l’Internationale “autonomiste” disparut pourquoi un erreur théorique immanente à sa conception : l’internationnalisme ouvrier, irrigué avec une conception proudhonienne et une conception materialiste et dialetique conduit, dans des Sections du Jura suisse, à une conception cosmopolite qui ne comprend pas la nécessité d’un refletion sérieux sur la question nationale. / Mestre

A difusão do esporte no Brasil encontrou resistências de vários matizes. Este trabalho faz, mediante pesquisa restrita ao período compreendido entre os primórdios da República e o final do Estado Novo, o mapeamento das argumentações de resistência a partir dos seus matizes políticos - anarquismo, comunismo, vários nacionalismos -, médicos - da higiene à eugenia - e pedagógicos - da educação católica à Escola Nova -, levando em conta a conjuntura histórica em que se desenvolviam e a maneira como polemizavam com o discurso aficionado. Demonstra também que muitos argumentos utilizados pelos aficionados foram originalmente criados para combatê-los, que algumas mudanças fundamentais ocorridas no discurso aficionado deveram-se em grande parte a esse debate, à necessidade de rebater a crítica, e que certos argumentos críticos se esgotaram no final do período. / Several bulwarks of resistance were elevated against the dissemination of sports in Brazil. By means of research restricted to the historical period comprehended between the dawn of the Republic and the fall of the Estado Novo, this dissertation proposes to charter the opposing argumentation according to the existing political colours - anarchism, communism, different sorts of nationalism -, medical ranging - from hygiene to eugenics - , and pedagogical nuances - from catholic education to the New School. It consider the historical scenario in wich the opposing argumentation was developed and how the polemics between criticals and adepts sides were conducted. It also demonstrates that many of arguments to which those upholders resorted were originally created to refute and that some of fundamental changes developed in the upholders discourse resulted to a large extend from this debate, in their need to fight criticism, and that some opposing arguments were debilitated in the end of studied period.

Pretende-se analisar a publicação de impressos de grupos anarquistas no período inicial do movimento operário de Buenos Aires. Durante a formação das primeiras organizações operárias na cidade, a atividade editorial teve um papel central para estes grupos, cumprindo a função de propaganda e também de organização. Buscaremos estudar a esfera da edição, pesquisando quais assuntos e autores eram publicados, quais suportes eram adotados e quem eram os indivíduos que estavam à frente do trabalho de edição e da comercialização dos impressos, investigando quais eram os circuitos de venda e distribuição dos mesmos. Acreditamos que estas questões podem contribuir para a compreensão das estratégias adotadas por estes grupos para a propaganda de suas ideias, bem como a importância da atividade editorial para aglutinar militantes. Dessa forma, podemos entender o processo de desenvolvimento do anarquismo no movimento operário em Buenos Aires, problematizando a relação entre edição e política. / The objective is analyzing the publication of printed materials of anarchist groups in the initial period of the worker\'s movement in Buenos Aires. During the creation of the first worker\'s organizations in the city, the publishing activity had a major role for these groups, with the functions of propaganda and organization. We will study the editing field through a research on the subjects and the authors that were published, and also on the adopted media and on the people who were on the head of the editing work, trying to find out which were the selling and distribution networks. We believe that these matters can help us to understand the strategies chosen by these groups for promoting their ideas and the importance of the editing activity to get activists together. Thus, we can comprehend the development process of anarchism in the worker\'s movement in Buenos Aires by the relations between politics and publishing.

Submitted by Mariana Dornelles Vargas (marianadv) on 2015-03-19T17:49:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 tao_perto.pdf: 14815217 bytes, checksum: e50a3bfe314240a743ac3c073ddbd810 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-19T17:49:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tao_perto.pdf: 14815217 bytes, checksum: e50a3bfe314240a743ac3c073ddbd810 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente dissertação pretende analisar as caricaturas e contos de alguns periódicos e suplementos libertários e anticlericais de Buenos Aires e de Porto Alegre que circularam nessas cidades durante os anos de 1897 a 1916, procurando abordar as variadas maneiras e estratégias de que tais veículos da pequena imprensa se utilizavam para contestar, denunciar e, possivelmente, efetivar ações em prol de uma nova realidade. Utilizar-se-á da comparação para contrapor um contexto social a outro, para apontar diferenças e semelhanças entre as diversas publicações aqui estudadas, bem como ao que concerne à análise das caricaturas e dos contos, realizando aproximações e distanciamentos entre o discurso visual e o verbal de tais elementos. As caricaturas serão tratadas enquanto representações, pois se acredita que a dimensão das imagens é sempre uma (re) criação, uma (re) interpretação de um possível real e, no caso em questão, as imagens serão consideradas ainda como um instrumento de luta, uma arma de combate. Já os contos serão considerados elementos pedagógicos preciosos para a conscientização dos leitores, uma vez que a brevidade dos mesmos tencionava transmitir sem complexidade a mensagem a que se propunham. Além disso, supõe-se que tanto as caricaturas, quanto os contos apresentam um alcance maior do que as matérias extensas, ou seja, atingem um número maior de leitores, o que tanto justifica seu estudo como alude à importância desses elementos para a formação dos seus leitores. Os periódicos utilizados para o exame serão o La Protesta de Buenos Aires e os gaúchos A Luta e Lúcifer, somando-se a esses os suplementos La Obra e o Suplemento de La Protesta de Buenos Aires. / This essay intends to analyze caricatures and tales of some libertarian and anti-clerical journals and supplements from Buenos Aires and Porto Alegre which circulated in these cities during the years 1897 to 1916, in an attempt to portray the many ways and strategies used by those small press vehicles in order to contest, denounce and, possible, implement actions to promote a new reality. Comparison will be used in order to oppose a social context to another, pointing out differences and similarities between the several publications addressed in this study, as well as what concerns the analysis of the caricatures and tales, carrying out similarities and differences between visual and verbal discourse of such elements. The caricatures studied here will be treated as representations, since it is believed that the dimension of the images is always a (re) creation, a (re) interpretation of a possible reality, which in this case, the images are seen as a class struggle tool, a combat weapon. The tales, on the other hand, are considered valuable pedagogical elements in the promotion of the readers awareness, since its briefness had the intention to convey the message without complexity. Moreover, it is assumed that both the caricatures and the tales have a broader range than the longer materials, i.e., they reach a greater number of readers, which justifies this study and alludes to the importance of these elements in the formation of its readers. The periodicals that are going to be used for the analysis are La Protesta, from Buenos Aires and A Luta and Lúcifer, both from Porto Alegre, and also the supplements La Obra and Suplemento de La Protesta from Buenos Aires.

The purpose of this thesis is to understand the changing nature of contemporary China's state and society relationship by focusing on the construction of the relationship between newly emerging non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the state. The term "construction" refers to the process in which China NGOs emerge, struggle for existence, negotiate with state organizations and other social agents. In this process, how China's NGOs link with the state policies of both local and national levels, practices of both local government officers and the government organizations of superior branches is of the most interest. It has been found that Chinese social organizations often come to be congruent with the state at both local level and national policy level. Through the articulatory elements, which are the theoretical tools borrowed from post-Marxist theories, the state and the social organizations are integrated as if they are in a coherent whole under the macro state policies. Such pro forma consistency between state and social organizations provides legitimacy and room for social organizations to develop their own values and practices, which actually do not completely coincide with the state dominant orientations. A civil society constituted by social organizations with different value pursuits is likely emerging in China.

This thesis explores the ways in which the factory workers of Petrograd struggled between February 1917 and June 1918 to improve their position as workers and to democratise relations within the factories. It begins by examining the sociology of the factory workforce and posits the centrality of the division between a fully proletarianised minority of skilled, literate, male workers and the majority of low-paid, unskilled, peasant and women workers. These two groups had a different relationship to the labour movement during the revolution of 1917. Chapter 2 examines the position of workers within the tsarist factory, and chapter 3 the ways in which this position changed as a result of the overthrow of the autocracy in February 1917. Chapter 4 looks at the creation of the factory committees, their political complexion, and their activities in spheres as diverse as law and order, labour discipline and the campaign against drunkenness. Chapters 5 and 6 examine the political coloration of the trade unions, and the extent to which the two organisations were genuinely democratic. Chapters 7 and 8 analyse the battle by the factory committees for workers' control of production, challenging the Western interpretation of this battle as being inspired by anarcho-syndicalism, and interpreting it instead as an attempt to stem disorder in the economy and to preserve jobs. The debates about workers' control are surveyed, and chapter 10 shows how the terms of the debate about the roles of the factory committees and trade unions changed as a result of the Bolshevik seizure of power. Within the space of a few weeks, the movement for workers' control of production developed into a movement for workers' self-management and for the nationalisation of industry. In a context of mounting economic chaos, mammoth redundancies and plummeting labour discipline, the Bolshevik government decided that workers' self-management conflicted with the priority of raising productivity in industry. June 1918 saw a move to nationalise industry, but the end of the democratic experiment in workers' management.

In response to the fact that academic projects on lay participation in China written in English have been very scarce, and also the views of the three schools of Chinese scholars, this thesis will conduct a thorough review of lay participation in China. Chapter 1 of this thesis firstly outlines the worldwide situation regarding lay participation. Chapter 2 sets out the historical background to the growth of lay participation in China, by recounting the various forms of and experiments with lay participation during China’s history. Chapters 3 and 4 study the status quo of the sole form of lay participation in China today, that is, the mixed tribunal system. Chapter 5 looks into the contribution that lay participation could potentially make to Chinese society. Chapter 6 offers some proposals with regard to the prospective direction for developing lay participation in China, from a realistic perspective. The thesis finds that lay participation has been neither declining worldwide, nor has been absent during China’s history. It also finds that although the mixed tribunal system in China today faces an array of problems, lay participation may potentially contribute to Chinese society in terms of a better justice system and improved democracy. After clarifying the prospects for continuing lay participation in China and proposing possible reformative measures, my thesis concludes that the system, with careful reconstruction, deserves a position in China’s future legal system; and that the leftist proposal, to abolish lay participation in China, should be rejected.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jorge Paulo dos Santos Watrin.pdf: 992080 bytes, checksum: 7926b6ce3249aa15c09cde277f020eb4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-29 / This work aims to know the political‐religious thought from the prominent Russian thinker Leo Tolstoy (1828‐1910), in his constant literary essays, written at the second half of the nineteenth century, with emphasis on the work Godʹs Kingdom Is In You. The problem that we are willing to face, at the heart of this work, goes through the sense of radical interpretation dismissed by Tolstoy to the Gospel, considering that his reading of the Good News flows, in crucial aspects, in the opposite direction to consecrated versions by the heroes of the traditional Christian Churches, particularly when defining the teachings of Jesus as a guided compass of a transformation aimed at the establishment of a just and equitable social order, antithetical to private property and the existence of the state. Matching the hermeneutic of everyday life with the theory of imaginary, in Tolstoy s Libertarian Christianity: political implications of a religious knowledge, we emphasize the lines of strength of a contrary spirituality to Christianities of the State; uplifting pacifist libertarian ethics, inspired by the Sermon on the Mount, predicated by the author as founded on a rational faith and in a loving rationality / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo dar a conhecer o pensamento político religioso do eminente pensador russo Leon Tolstoi (1828‐1910), constante em sua produção literária ensaística, escrito a partir da segunda metade do século XIX, com ênfase na obra O reino de Deus está em vós. O problema que nos dispomos a enfrentar, no cerne desta pesquisa, passa pelo sentido da interpretação radical dispensada por Tolstoi ao Evangelho, haja vista que sua leitura da Boa Nova flui, em aspectos cruciais, na direção oposta às versões consagradas pelos próceres das Igrejas cristãs tradicionais, particularmente quando define os ensinos de Jesus como bússola norteadora de uma transformação voltada à instauração de uma ordem social justa e equânime, antitética à propriedade privada e à existência do Estado. Compatibilizando a hermenêutica do cotidiano com a teoria do imaginário, em O cristianismo libertário de Tolstoi: implicações políticas de um saber religioso, procuramos dar ênfase as linhas de força de uma espiritualidade contrária aos cristianismos de Estado; enaltecedora de uma ética pacifista de cunho libertário, inspirada no Sermão do Monte, predicada pelo autor como fundada em uma fé racional e em uma razão amorável

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gustavo Ramus de Aquino.pdf: 1119002 bytes, checksum: 905bcc5abda4523ab072e8b0c46df26f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-03 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Every religion implies the production of discourses of truth and articulates modes of subjectivities that determine the constitution of the subject. The religious discourses produce moral codes and result in types of conduct. Therefore, it is impossible to deal with religion apart from a political perspective. It has emerged within Christianism what Michel Foucault calls pastoral power. It consists in the association of the sovereign with the priest, whose role is to conduct and provide the needs for its herd. The pastoral power is a political technology that individualizes and totalizes: a governmentality device. Exposing Christianism to a political analysis is to place it within a clash between authority and freedom. In the end of the 19th Century, Liev Tolstoi developed a libertarian interpretation of Christianism, providing it a subversive behavior. The Christian practice developed by the Russian writer suggests the denial of the state based on a peaceful resistance the point of departure to what has been called Christian anarchism. Tolstoi s thought has provoked anarchist activists in Brazil, between 1890 and 1938, to develop novels with the objective of disseminating anarchist ideas. These activists have used a new literature that was emerging in Brazil: the social literature. If it was possible to bring Christianism closer to an anarchist perspective, it may well be possible to discuss the opposite process, i.e., the revolutionary discourse as production of truths acquiring the form of a pastoral / Toda religião implica produção de discursos de verdade e articula modos de subjetividades que determinam a constituição do sujeito. Os discursos religiosos produzem códigos de moralidade e resultam em formas de condutas. Portanto, é impossível tratar de religião fora de uma perspectiva política. No interior do cristianismo emergiu o que Michel Foucault denomina de poder pastoral. Trata-se da aproximação da figura do governante com o pastor, cuja função é conduzir e prover as necessidades de seu rebanho. O poder pastoral é uma técnica política individualizante e totalizante: um dispositivo de governamentalidade. Submeter o cristianismo a uma análise política é inseri-lo no interior de um embate entre autoridade e liberdade. No final do século XIX, Liev Tolstoi elaborou uma interpretação libertária do cristianismo, atribuindo-lhe um comportamento subversivo. A prática cristã desenvolvida pelo escritor russo sugere uma negação ao Estado a partir de uma resistência pacífica, o ponto de partida do que se denominou anarquismo cristão. O pensamento de Tolstoi incentivou militantes anarquistas no Brasil que, entre 1890 e 1938, dedicaram-se à produção de romances com o objetivo de difundir ideais anarquistas. Esses militantes lançaram mão de uma nova literatura que estava surgindo no Brasil: a literatura social. Se foi possível aproximar o cristianismo de uma perspectiva anarquista é possível problematizar o processo inverso, o do discurso revolucionário como produção de verdades tomando forma de uma pastoral