Diseases of Women, Book I, is part of the Hippocratic Corpus of approximately seventy treatises, although different authors contributed to the writings, as is evident by slight changes in text. It is the first of three works by Hippocrates on gynaecological problems. Fifth century BC doctors did not dissect either humans or animals, so their theories were based purely on observation and experience. Book I deals with women who have problems with menstruation, either the lack of it or an excess, infertility and, when conception does take place, the threat of miscarriage and dealing with the stillborn child. Various remedies are given, including herbal infusions, vapour baths and mixtures that the modern day patient would shudder at, e.g. animal dung and headless, wingless beetles. One remedy, hypericum, or St John's Wort, used for depression, has become popular today as an alternative medicine. / Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern Studies / M.A. (with specialisation in Ancient Languages and Cultures)

Le théâtre dans la Grèce Antique a développé quatre genres dramatiques : la tragédie, la comédie, le drame satyrique et le mime. Le Mime est le genre comique qui naît en Grèce dorienne, se développe en Sicile et dont l’évolution se poursuit jusqu’à l’époque hellénistique. Bien qu’il constitue une part importante de l’art dramatique grec antique, il n’y a pas eu jusqu’à nos jours de recherche systématique sur ce type de théâtre. Cette étude a pour but d’explorer ce genre dramatique inconnu. Rechercher son origine, son évolution historique et ses rapports (similitudes et différences) avec les autres genres d’art dramatique, ainsi que ses principaux créateurs constituent les principaux objectifs de cette recherche / Theatre in Ancient Greece developed into four dramatic genres: tragedy, comedy, satyrical drama and mime. Mime is the comic genre which was born in Dorian Greece, developed in Sicily and which development continues until the Hellenistic period. Although it is an important part of the ancient Greece dramatic art, up to now there was no systematic research on this type of theatre. This study aims at exploring that unknown dramatic genre. Its main objectives is the search for its origins, historical evolution and relationship (similarities and differences) with the other genres of dramatic art, as well as for its major creators

Ce mémoire est une exploration du thème de l'utilisation de l'argile en architecture domestique et publique en Grèce Antique. À travers un inventaire de sites archéologiques, nous examinerons les différents vestiges présents qui démontrent l'utilisation de l'argile dans l'architecture, par exemple dans la production de briques d'argiles crues et dans les élévations en terre compactée. Ces vestiges sont très peu représentés archéologiquement et nous explorerons les raisons et questionnements amenés par cette faible présence. / This thesis is an exploration about the use of earth, more precisely clay, in domestic and public architecture in ancient Greece. In a first time, we will review some publications about clay and the different uses that was made of it during Antiquity. Then, we will present some archaeological sites that show remains in clay, more precisely wall architecture of mud-brick, and adobe. This kind of remains is really rare in Greek archaeology, and through this thesis we will see why, try to solve some questions about it, and finally, talk about the future and conservation of these remains.

Si la religion grecque a fait l’objet de nombreuses études, les informations concernant les rites domestiques se font plus discrètes. Nous avons donc tenté de présenter les traces archéologiques de ses cultes domestiques en nous concentrant sur un élément bien précis, les autels. Nous vous proposons donc dans ce mémoire de présenter un catalogue raisonné des autels domestiques de la Grèce antique. Celui-ci répertorie 140 autels domestiques, qu’ils soient de types fixes (construits) ou portatifs (arulae). Une analyse quantitative et qualitative des informations colligées dans le catalogue fait suite à ce dernier. Nous pouvons tirer quelques conclusions partielles suite à l’analyse de notre catalogue. Il est possible d’affirmer qu’il existe beaucoup plus d’autels portatifs que d’autels fixes. Les arulae n’ont pour la plupart pas été trouvés in situ, contrairement aux autels construits. La grande majorité des autels se trouvent dans la cour de la demeure ou contre un mur extérieur de la maison. Les autels portatifs, eux se retrouvent aussi dans diverses pièces de la maison, dont la pastas. La majorité des autels portatifs sont faits de terre-cuite, alors que les fixes sont tous faits de différentes pierres. Peu importe le type, la majorité des autels sont rectangulaires plutôt que circulaires. Très peu d’autels sont dédiés spécifiquement à un dieu et ceux attribués à Zeus Herkeios le sont seulement par leur position dans la cour de la demeure et non à cause d’un décor ou d’objets affiliés. Les autels autant portatifs que fixes peuvent porter un décor, allant d’une simple moulure à un riche décor rappelant les grands autels monumentaux des sanctuaires. Certains sont par contre nus et ont même des faces non travaillées. Nous détaillons dans la dernière section le cas de Zeus Ktésios et Zeus Kataibatès, comme nous possédons beaucoup d’informations pertinentes sur ces deux divinités et nous pouvons donc nous attarder sur leur culte. Il est par contre difficile de recréer des rites domestiques complets. Pour ce faire, il faudrait avoir accès aux catalogues complets des artéfacts retrouvés sur chaque site. Nous pourrions ainsi créer des assemblages et mettre en liens ces objets et les autels et tenter d’interpréter et de reconstituer ces différents rites domestiques. / The Greek religion was approached by numerous authors during the last century. However, the information about the domestic rites is more discreet. Here, we tried to present the archaeological marks of those domestic cults by focussing on one precise element, the altars. In this Thesis, we are presenting a descriptive and analytical catalogue about domestic altars in ancient Greece that lists one hundred and forty domestic altars, whether they were built type or portable type (arulae). The analysis that follows after the catalogue brings out quantitative and qualitative information. As per our analysis, we were able to draw partial conclusions about our listed domestic altars. It’s possible to affirm that there’s a lot more portable than built altars. The arulae was not found in situ in majority, counter to the built altars. A lot of them were found in courtyard or close to the exterior wall of the house. Portable altars are also found in various rooms in the house. Portable altars are, in majority, made in terracotta and built altars are all made with different kinds of stone. Regardless the type of altar, there’s a large majority of rectangular instead of circular one. A small number of altars are precisely dedicated to a god and those attributed to Zeus Herkios sound by their position in the courtyard and not even by their decor or affiliated objects. Both types of altars may have a decor, a simple moulding or a rich decor like the large monumental altars located in sanctuaries. Although, some are without decor and even have one or multiples faces unworked. In the last section we elaborated the case of Zeus Ktesios and Zeus Kataibates, as we have a lot of relevant information about them and so we can dwell on their worships. However, it’s hard to recreate entire domestic rites. In order to do so, we would need the complete catalogues of artefacts found on each site. Then, we could create some assemblages and link those objects and altars together and attempt to interpret and rebuilt those different domestic rites.

De la conquête de Cyrus II en 547 av. J.-C. à celle d'Alexandre le Grand en 334 av. J.-C., l'Asie Mineure occidentale a fait partie de l'empire achéménide. Les Grecs d'Asie ont donc vécu pendant plus de deux siècles en contact avec des populations perses, qu'il s'agisse des satrapes ou des membres de la diaspora impériale venus s'installer dans les régions conquises. Cette proximité géographique a donné lieu à de très nombreux échanges institutionnels, culturels et personnels. Cette thèse s’intéresse à la diversité des relations ayant existé entre les membres des deux communautés. Elle s'efforce de montrer de quelle manière deux peuples souvent présentés comme des ennemis héréditaires ont vécu dans un même espace géographique. / Western Asia Minor was part of the Achaemenid Empire from the conquest of Cyrus II (547 B.C.) to that of Alexander the Great (334 B.C.). Thus, during more than two centuries, Asian Greeks have lived in touch with Persians, either satraps or members of the imperial diaspora who settled in the conquered regions. This geographical closeness gave rise to a number of institutional, cultural and personal exchanges. This thesis explores the variety of relationships having existed between members of the two communities. It seeks to show how two peoples traditionally presented as enemies actually cohabited in the same geographical space.

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<p>In 2004 <em>Troy</em> was released in movie theatres worldwide and almost immediately sparked up discussions on film’s relation to the ancient epic of Homer.</p><p> The main purpose of this paper is to see the connection between <em>Troy</em> and Homer’s <em>The Iliad</em> – motion pictures’ only officially credited source of inspiration. By using comparative method and intertextual approach I try to see how a literary piece, for centuries recited and cherished by the highest academic circles is remodelled to fit the taste of a mass public. How <em>The Iliad</em> mutates to be a marketable product.</p><p>   I discuss the changes of the plot that were introduced in <em>Troy</em> and try to see those changes as an outcome of mutation process. Apart from the plot, the notion of a hero is also discussed: how the definition of hero changed through time? To illustrate the changes, two main heroes – Achilles and Hector are discussed, yet again using the comparative method.</p><p>   By approaching <em>Troy</em> and <em>The Iliad</em> as two separate cultural products (I did not view <em>Troy</em><em> </em>as a documentary on <em>The Iliad</em>) I was able to connect them. I could see that the essence of the literary work and the film appears to be the same. It shows that the ancient Greek values, especially those, related to warfare and heroism, have definitely survived long enough to penetrate the modern thought.</p>

In 2004 Troy was released in movie theatres worldwide and almost immediately sparked up discussions on film’s relation to the ancient epic of Homer.  The main purpose of this paper is to see the connection between Troy and Homer’s The Iliad – motion pictures’ only officially credited source of inspiration. By using comparative method and intertextual approach I try to see how a literary piece, for centuries recited and cherished by the highest academic circles is remodelled to fit the taste of a mass public. How The Iliad mutates to be a marketable product.    I discuss the changes of the plot that were introduced in Troy and try to see those changes as an outcome of mutation process. Apart from the plot, the notion of a hero is also discussed: how the definition of hero changed through time? To illustrate the changes, two main heroes – Achilles and Hector are discussed, yet again using the comparative method.    By approaching Troy and The Iliad as two separate cultural products (I did not view Troy as a documentary on The Iliad) I was able to connect them. I could see that the essence of the literary work and the film appears to be the same. It shows that the ancient Greek values, especially those, related to warfare and heroism, have definitely survived long enough to penetrate the modern thought.

There appears to be little doubt about the nature of the relationship between the fashion model and the young girl in contemporary Western culture. Dominant literature, emerging from medico-psychological and feminist research, situates the model as a disorderly influence, imbued with the capacity to infect and, hence, distort the healthy minds and bodies of 'suggestible' young girls. Opposing these perspectives is a smaller, more recent body of literature, emerging from post-feminist work that argues that the model-girl relationship is a delightful influence. Thus, the contemporary field of scholarship reveals an increasingly dichotomous way of thinking about fashion model influence: the model influences young girls in ways that are disorderly or delightful, never both. This thesis argues that to assume that the model-girl encounter is 'neatly' disorderly or delightful is shifty at best. It suggests that, in their rush to judge the fashion model as either pernicious or pleasurable, existing literature fails to account for the precision with which young girls know the fashion model. Using poststructuralist theory, the thesis argues that 'influence' may be more usefully thought of as a discursive effect, which may produce a range of effects for better and worse. Following Foucault (1972), fashion model influence is interrogated as a regime of truth about the model-girl encounter, constituted discursively under specific social, cultural and historical conditions. In so doing, the thesis makes different sense of fashion model influence, and questions influence as an independently-existing 'force' that bears down on vulnerable young girls. Drawing on a poststructural conceptual architecture, this thesis re-conceptualises the model-girl encounter as a pedagogical relationship focused on the (ideal) female body. It suggests that the fashion model, as an authoritative embodied pedagogue, transmits knowledge about 'ideal' feminine bodily conduct to the young girl, as attentive gazing apprentice. Fashion model influence is re-interrogated as the product of certain forms of disciplinary training (Foucault, 1977a), with young girls learning a discursive knowledge about how to discipline the body in ways that are properly feminine. Such a perspective departs from the notion that fashion model influence is necessarily disorderly or delightful, and makes possible a re-reading of influence in terms of learning outcomes. A problematic arises conceptualising the fashion model in this way. To consider the model as a 'good' teacher breaches a number of discursive rules for best pedagogical practice in postmodern times: She is not a pedagogue of the mind; she is not student-centred, facilitative, asexual, interpersonally engaged, relational, or authentic. To create a space for thinking differently about the model as a teacher, then, the thesis looks to ancient historical times and places in which female-to-female and body-to-body pedagogies were practised and understood. The first phase of the research project embedded in this thesis defamiliarises pedagogical work using historical texts from ancient Greece. It examines in particular the erotically embodied pedagogical relationships conducted between older, authoritative elite prostitutes known as hetairae, and their younger female apprentices. The discursive rules governing these pedagogical relationships are examined with a view to diagnosing the model-girl encounter in terms of these rules. These rules are then used to interrogate ethnographic data generated through observation of the model-girl encounter in situ in a modelling course, and through focus group interviews with groups of young girls. Working through notions of corporeal embodiment, self as art, desire, discipline, stillness, spectacle, the gaze and the conduct of conduct, the study interrogates the model-girl encounter as a contemporary pedagogical encounter. To avoid reaffirming more traditional binaries, the reading of data is ironic, working within and between binaries such as disorder/delight. Three ironic categories of femininity are produced out of the analysis: unnaturally natural, stompy grace and beautifully grotesque. These categories 'speak' the fragmentation, fissure, contradiction, inconsistency and absurdity that permeate the talk of young girls and model-girl pedagogy in the modelling classroom. Thus, the thesis offers up an analysis of the model-girl encounter that refuses the neatness and uni-dimensionality that characterises existing literature.

This dissertation establishes how different citizen soldiers were employed and evaluated in the imaginary of fifth century Athens and gives explanations why popular thinking on military personnel was organised in this way. In so doing it emerges that a particular citizen soldier figured in Athenian conceptions about many aspects of martial activity. Also, it has proven necessary to analyse several other conceptions concerning the waging of war in which military personnel strictly play no part because of their indirect but important influence on how this or that class of Athenian fighters was judged. As a result this study ends up throwing light on the ways in which fifth century Athenians conceived not only of citizen combatants but also of warfare in general. The dissertation begins by outlining the primary sources for the Athenian imaginary and its major characteristics. The numerous tragedies and comedies surviving from the fifth century are shown to be sure evidence for the imaginary and the funeral oration of the period to have had a vital role in the transmission of key elements of Athenian self-identity and their understanding of warfare. Although playwrights and public speakers were invariably members of the Athenian elite, the particular contexts in which they performed compelled them to take up and articulate the values and conceptions of their overwhelmingly non-elite audiences. The imaginary then had a decidedly popular character. It was also a sprawling cultural melange within which incongruous and even patently contradictory ideas could subsist side by side. The second part of this dissertation exposes that the citizen hoplite enjoyed a central and paradigmatic role in the popular thinking of fifth century Athens. It was only ever to the heavily armed soldier that poets and orators turned when they wanted to consider general aspects of warfare, the military obligations of citizenship, and gallant and fainthearted behaviour on the battlefield. The Athenian hoplite also served as the pivotal reference point for the marking out of age and gender distinctions within the city and of the differences in military morality between Greeks and barbarians. Critically, as the prevailing definitions of bravery and cowardice were modelled exclusively on the phalanx warfare of the hoplites, Athenian lightly armed troops, cavalrymen and perhaps even sailors with their very different modes of combat were judged one way or another to be cowardly. Yet the final part of this dissertation demonstrates that this normative status of the heavy infantryman in no way prevented citizen sailors from gaining recognition and positive evaluation of their metier and themselves in the Athenian imaginary of the fifth century. The citizen masses of this period saw their city as the major seapower in the Mediterranean and well understood that its formidable might and security rested on its navy. Fifth century Athenians also had a high regard of seamanship in general and great pride in the naval dominance of their city in particular. Indeed, superlative nautical skills were thought to be 'national' traits of the citizens of imperial Athens which they had enjoyed even in the esteemed age of the heroes. Contemporary citizen sailors themselves were also held to be the saviours of the city and were accorded extraordinary esteem and an exalted status if they perished at sea fighting for Athens. Finally, despite the fact that it directly contradicted their hoplite centred conception of bravery, fifth century Athenians firmly believed that fellow citizens serving as sailors could display gallantry in battle.