Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores how the feminine Other is used by Euripides in the Hecuba to highlight certain tensions between an aristocratic ideal of manliness and a classical democratic masculinity in the fifth century Athenian polis. The first chapter will establish the masculine nature of the Athenian polis and discuss the different elements which highlight the inherent masculinity of Athenian society. The second chapter provides a socio-political context for the position of women in fifth century Athens and explores the otherness of the feminine in the masculine polis. Chapter three explores the problematic nature of speech in the democratic state and uses the feminine Other in the Hecuba to examine possible tensions between an outmoded aristocratic ethos and the democratic ideal of manliness. In the fourth chapter Euripides' use of the Other in the Hecuba is utilized to discuss violence, revenge, and masculinity in the Athenian polis. The final chapter provides a discussion on nomos and how the tensions between aristocratic and democratic ideals problematise the authority of traditional laws and how Euripides uses the feminine Other in the Hecuba to emphasise these issues. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek die wyse waarop Euripides die vroulike Ander in Hecuba gebruik om spanning tussen die aristokratiese ideaal van manlikheid en die klassieke demokratiese manlikheid in die vyfde-eeuse Atheense polis na vore te bring. Die eerste hoofstuk sal die manlike aard van die Atheense polis vestig en sal die elemente wat die inherente manlikheid van die Atheense samelewing beklemtoon, bespreek. Die tweede hoofstuk vervat die sosio-politieke konteks van die vrou se posisie in vyfde-eeuse Athene en verken die andersheid van die vrou in die manlike polis. Hoofstuk drie verken die problematiese aard van spraak in die demokratiese staat en gebruik die vroulike Ander in Hecuba om moontlike spanning tussen die verouderde aristokratiese etos en die demokratiese ideaal van manlikheid te ondersoek. Die vierdie hoofstuk ondersoek Euripides se gebruik van die Ander in Hecuba om geweld, wraak en manlikheid in die Atheense polis te bespreek. Die finale hoofstuk vervat 'n bespreking van nomos en die problematiek ten opsigte van die outoriteit van tradisionele wette as gevolg van die spanning tussen aristokratiese en demokratiese ideale en Euripides se gebruik van die vroulike Ander in Hecuba om hierdie geskilpunte te beklemtoon.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study represents an investigation of a set of BH connectives (רוּבֲעַבּ, ןַעַמְל, and ןֶפּ) as well as other grammatical constructions relevant to the lexical items. This investigation seeks to establish the datatypes which are relevant for distinguishing the meanings and/or senses that the BH connectives רוּבֲעַבּ, ןַעַמְל, and ןֶפּ may display. A literature overview of BH linguistics and existing BH lexica demonstrate that although current resources provide some useful information, there still lacks an adequate framework for describing the lexical items. On the one hand, linguistic descriptions of the connectives in BH linguistics fail to define the word class(es) and scope of the target lexemes, as well as the relations they indicate. None of the studies have structurally described the paradigmatic relation between the different types of purpose constructions. On the other hand, BH lexica show a variety of data types that are assumed to contribute towards both defining and distinguishing the meanings/senses of the lexical items we are concerned with; however, this information only partly helps in this endeavor. To describe more adequately the meaning and polysemic relationships of the lexemes, we relied on cognitive semantics (e.g., conceptual view of meaning, prototype theory, and semantic potential). We were also concerned with purpose/result constructions across languages in order to establish criteria for describing purpose constructions. On the basis of these investigations, we established a model for a semantic description of the target lexemes in addition to some criteria for distinguishing between purpose, result, cause, and reason constructions so that the different relations the target lexemes indicate might be identified. We also established some typological parameters of purpose constructions – such as verbal forms in the matrix, participant encoding, and the positioning patterns of purpose clauses. The value and validity of these criteria were then tested in an empirical investigation. The investigation established that ןַעַמְל, רוּבֲעַבּ, and ןֶפּ have a semantic potential that prompts the conceptualization of multiple relationships (e.g., ןַעַמְל: purpose, result, and reason) with varying scopes, among different levels. We were able to distinguish between the different relationships that the lexemes ןַעַמְל, רוּבֲעַבּ, and ןֶפּ display by relying on the notions of purpose, result, cause, and reason, as defined in cognitive linguistic circles. We also identified the prototypical and less prototypical meanings of the lexemes. This study establishes the value of the model employed, but also reveals that our theoretical model has some limitations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie verteenwoordig ‘n ondersoek van ‘n stel Bybels-Hebreeuse verbindingswoorde (רוּבֲעַבּ, ןַעַמְל en ןֶפּ) sowel as die grammatikale konstruksies wat relevant is vir die beter verstaan van hierdie leksikale items. Hierdie ondersoek poog in besonder om datatipes vas te stel wat ter sake is vir betekenisonderskeidings wat רוּבֲעַבּ, ןַעַמְל en ןֶפּ vertoon. 'n Literatuur-oorsig van bestaande Bybels-Hebreeuse bronne (bv. grammatikas en lexika) demonstreer dat, alhoewel hierdie bronne nuttige inligting verskaf, hulle nie ‘n toereikende raamwerk bied vir ‘n noukeurige beskrywing van die leksikale items nie. Die grammatikale studies, aan die een kant, versuim om die items se woordklas(se) te definieer. Weinig aandag word ook gewy aan die reikwydte en/of ter sake sintagmaties en paradigmatiese verbande van die ter sake konstruksies. Die leksika, aan die ander kant, wys wel op 'n verskeidenheid van datatipes wat veronderstel is om by te dra tot beide die definisies en betekenisonderskeidings. Hierdie inligting is egter dikwels nie genoegsaam nie. Om ‘n meer toereikende beskrywing van hulle betekenis te maak, asook om die polisemiese struktuur van die lekseme te bepaal, het ons gebruik gemaak van insigte van die kognitiewe semantiek (bv. prototipe-teorie, en die konsep ‘semantiese potensiaal’). Ons het ook doelkonstruksies in ander tale bestudeer. Kriteria is geïdentifiseer om te onderskei tussen konstruksies waarin doel, gevolg, oorsaak en rede gerealiseer word. Ons het ‘n paar taaltipologiese parameters van doelkonstruksies vasgestel, bv. die werkswoordsvorm wat in die matriks gebruik word, die manier waarop deelnemers gekodeer word, en die posisie van die doelkonstruksie tov die matriks. Die waarde en geldigheid van hierdie kriteria is daarna in ‘n empiriese ondersoek getoets. In hierdie studie is vasgetel dat ןַעַמְל, רוּבֲעַבּ en ןֶפּ ‘n semantiese potensiaal het wat die konseptualisering van veelvoudige verhoudings aktiveer (bv. ןַעַמְל: doel, gevolg, en die rede), wat beide op verskillende vlakke mag wees asook met verskillende reikwydtes. Ons het ook die prototipiese en minder prototipiese betekenis van die lekseme geïdentifiseer. Hierdie studie illustreer die waarde van die werksmodel wat gebruik, maar het ook aangetoon dat die model enkele leemtes het.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study seeks to identify and classify idioms in the Hebrew Bible. Based on a survey of literature on idioms in general, and in Biblical Hebrew in particular, the necessary conditions for idiomaticity are identified as (1) multi-word character, (2) semantic noncompositionality, (3) unit status, (4) conventionalisation, (5) a verbal nucleus, and (6) a content message. Restricted variability and uniqueness may also be indicative of idiomaticity, although these are not regarded as necessary conditions. Accordingly, idiom is defined as a conventionalised multi-word symbolic unit with a verbal nucleus and a content message, whose global meaning is a semantic extension of the combined meanings of its constituent elements. These criteria were applied to 1 and 2 Samuel, and 104 idioms were identified. The results suggest that the proposed definition is an effective aid to identifying idioms, with certain caveats. In line with Granger and Paquot’s phraseological classification, the multi-word character of idioms is interpreted to imply a verb plus at least one more semantic (as opposed to grammatical) element. Semantic compositionality is shown to be a complex concept that should be understood as the overall meaning of an expression being an extension of the combined meanings of its individual lexical constituents. Conventionalisation and unit status prove to be virtually impossible to determine with certainty for expressions in the Hebrew Bible. Researchers should also be aware that there is an inevitable degree of subjectivity involved in the application and interpretation of the idiom characteristics proposed in this study. A preliminary semantic classification of the idioms found in 1 and 2 Samuel is proposed, based on the lexicographical system developed by De Blois (2000) for the Semantic Dictionary of Biblical Hebrew. The results of this study suggest that, with some improvements and adjustments, De Blois’s framework is suitable for classifying and representing Biblical Hebrew idioms. The greatest obstacle in using this system is shown to be the counterintuitive names of a number of categories. A complete alphabetical list of idioms from 1 and 2 Samuel is provided in Appendix A, together with the relevant semantic information for each. A classification of these idioms according to lexical semantic domains is presented and discussed in Chapter 5, while alternative ways of arranging them (viz. by contextual semantic domains, underlying conceptual metaphors, and terms for body parts) are provided in Appendices B to D. This study demonstrates that idioms are semantically motivated (by conceptual metaphor, metonymy, symbolic acts, etc.) although their meaning is semantically noncompositional. It also indicates the need for a more systematic treatment of idioms in Biblical Hebrew lexicons. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om idiome in die Hebreeuse Bybel te identifiseer en te klassifiseer. Die volgende noodsaaklike voorwaardes vir idiomatisiteit is geïdentifiseer op grond van ’n oorsig van die literatuur oor idiome in die algemeen en in Bybelse Hebreeus in die besonder: (1) meerwoordigheid, (2) semantiese nie-komposisionaliteit, (3) eenheidstatus, (4) konvensionalisering, (5) ’n werkwoordelike kern en (6) ’n inhoudelike boodskap. Beperkte veranderbaarheid en uniekheid kan ook dui op idiomatisiteit, maar dit word nie as noodsaaklike voorwaardes beskou nie. Gevolglik word idioom gedefinieer as ’n gekonvensionaliseerde, meerwoordige simboliese eenheid met ’n werkwoordelike kern, waarvan die geheelbetekenis ’n semantiese uitbreiding is van die gekombineerde betekenisse van die elemente waaruit dit saamgestel is. Die bogenoemde kriteria is in 1 en 2 Samuel toegepas, en daar is 104 idiome geïdentifiseer. Die resultate dui daarop dat die voorgestelde definisie van idiomatisiteit, met inagneming van sekere voorbehoude, ’n effektiewe hulpmiddel vir die indentifisering van idiome is. In lyn met Granger en Paquot se fraseologiese klassifikasie word daar van die veronderstelling uitgegaan dat die meerwoordigheid van idiome ’n werkwoord plus minstens een ander semantiese (teenoor grammatikale) komponent behels. Daar word aangetoon dat semantiese komposisionaliteit ’n komplekse begrip is en dat dit verstaan moet word as ’n uitbreiding van die kombinasie van die betekenisse van die afsonderlike leksikale elemente waaruit ’n uitdrukking saamgestel is, om ’n geheelbetekenis te vorm. Om die konvensionalisering en eenheidstatus van uitdrukkings in die Hebreeuse Bybel met sekerheid vas te stel, blyk feitlik onmoontlik te wees. Navorsers moet ook daarvan bewus wees dat daar ’n onvermydelike mate van subjektiwiteit betrokke is by die toepassing en verstaan van die idioomkenmerke wat in die huidige studie voorgestel word. ’n Voorlopige semantiese klassifikasie van die idiome wat in 1 en 2 Samuel geïdentifiseer is, word voorgestel, gebaseer op die leksikografiese sisteem wat deur De Blois (2000) vir die Semantic Dictionary of Biblical Hebrew ontwikkel is. Die resultate van hierdie studie doen aan die hand dat De Blois se raamwerk, met ’n paar veranderinge en verbeteringe, geskik is vir die klassifisering en uiteensetting van idiome in Bybelse Hebreeus. Daar word aangetoon dat die grootste hindernis om die genoemde sisteem te gebruik, die teen-intuïtiewe benaminge van ’n aantal kategorieë is. ’n Volledige alfabetiese lys van die idiome uit 1 en 2 Samuel, met toepaslike semantiese inligting by elk, word in Bylae A aangebied. ’n Klassifikasie van hierdie idiome volgens leksikale semantiese domeine word in Hoofstuk 5 voorgehou en bespreek, terwyl alternatiewe indelings (nl. volgens kontekstuele semantiese domeine, onderliggende konsepsuele metafore en terme vir liggaamsdele) in Bylaes B tot D aangebied word. Hierdie studie toon aan dat idiome semanties gemotiveer word (deur konsepsuele metafore, metonimie, simboliese handelinge ens.), alhoewel hulle betekenis niekomposisioneel is. Die behoefte aan ’n meer sistematiese bewerking van idiome in Bybelse Hebreeuse leksikons word ook uitgewys.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Politics, in modern society, has become intimately associated with poor governance, fraud and corruption, social decay, abuse of power, indifference to the plight of the poor, squandering of critical resources and self-enrichment. This situation has been further aggravated by the debate that religion and politics should be kept separate at all costs. The demand for social justice in marginalised communities has increased dramatically over the last few decades. The escalation of human conflict, poverty, social inequality and corrupt practices across the globe over recent years, demands a radical reassessment of how the human race engages politically, socially and economically with each other. Hebrew classical prophets such as Hosea, Amos, Isaiah and Micah have through their messages of condemnation, indictment, punishment and hope confronted the serious political and social challenges that prevailed during and subsequent to their time. They demonstrated immense bravery against the established order of the day as they proclaimed Yahweh’s gross displeasure and divine judgement for the manner in which those in power had treated the poor. Amos, in particular, has captivated scholars over many decades as they dissected every emotion, historical context, social structure, biblical tradition and literary convention in order to understand his message. This study is an attempt to re-evaluate the critical balance between politics and religion as demonstrated in the divine mandate provided to kings, centuries ago in the ancient Near East, to rule in a just and righteous manner. An examination of the role and function of the prophets, their relationship with the political and religious structures of the day as well as an exegetical study of selected Amos texts has been undertaken to determine how this social imbalance was addressed by the prophets. A general hypothesis is advanced to restore this intricate balance between modern politics and religion. The study further enables a theological re-evaluation of how this balance could possibly be pursued as a potential catalyst for its overall social restoration. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die politiek, in die hedendaagse samelewing, word nou geassosieer met swak regering, bedrog en korrupsie, sosiale verrotting, misbruik van mag, onverskilligheid teenoor die ellende van die armes, verkwisting van kritiese hulpbronne en selfverryking. Hierdie situasie word verder vererger as gevolg van ‘n debat wat daarop aandring dat die politiek en die godsdiens ten alle koste apart gehou moet word. Die aandrang vir sosiale geregtigheid in verarmde gemeenskappe het dramaties toegeneem oor die laaste dekades. Die progressiewe toename in menslike konflik, armoede, sosiale ongelykheid en omkopery wêreldwyd, die onlangse jare, vereis ‘n radikale herevaluering oor hoe die mensdom met mekaar oor die weg kom polities, sosiaal en ekonomies. Die Bybels-Hebreeuse profete soos Hosea, Amos, Jesaja en Miga het met hulle boodskappe van aanklag, straf en hoop die ernstige politieke en sosiale uitdagings wat gedurende hulle tyd geheers het gekonfronteer. Hulle het ongekende dapperheid gedemonstreer teen die destydse owerhede en so Jahwe se intense ontevredenheid en goddelike oordeel verwoord teenoor die swak behandeling van die armes. Amos, in die besonder, het geleerdes oor die dekades bekoor en elke emosie, historiese agtergrond, sosiale struktuur, tradisie en literêre konvensie is benut in ‘n poging om sy boodskap te verstaan. Hierdie studie is ‘n poging om die sensitiewe balans tussen die politiek en die godsdiens te her-evalueer in die lig van die beginsel van regverdige regering as goddelike mandaat wat reeds eeue gelede aan konings van die ou Nabye Ooste opgedra is. ‘n Ondersoek na die rol en funksie van die profete, hul verhouding met die politieke en godsdienstige strukture van hulle tyd, sowel as ‘n eksegetiese studie van geselekteerde Amos tekste word onderneem om te bepaal hoe hierdie sosiale onewewigtigheid hanteer is. ‘n Algemene hipotese word aan die hand gedoen om die ingewikkelde balans tussen die moderne politiek en godsdiens te herstel. Die studie kan verder van waarde wees deurdat dit ‘n teologiese herbesinning bied wat kan dien as ‘n moontlike katalisator vir algehele sosiale restorasie.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although the traditional viewpoint of the Ancient Egyptian civilisation is one of isolation and self containment, in fact Egypt and Syro-Palestine had a long history of contact and interaction before the Late Bronze Age, albeit somewhat tenuous and ad hoc. The commencement of the New Kingdom in Egypt heralded a more vigorous period of exchange. This was largely due to the Egyptian policy of increased commercial activity and military campaigns in Syro-Palestine as well as the rising strength of the Asiatic peoples. At the personal level there was always a trend of Asiatics moving into Egypt in search of a better life, which opened the door for the Hyksos rule at the end of the Middle Bronze Age. This foreign rule was an affront on the dignity of the Egyptians. Thus, following numerous military campaigns much of Syro-Palestine was incorporated into the wider Egyptian political entity. In counterpoint to the situation in Egypt, Syro-Palestine was very far from isolated, situated in the open cultural landscape of Syria and Mesopotamia it was the very hub of the Ancient Near East. Inevitably there was considerable interaction, and throughout history, as even today, Syro-Palestine is a crossroads and melting pot of different peoples. At the forefront of any exchange were religious ideas, religious traditions were introduced and foreign gods were spread far and wide. The international nature of the gods seems to have been a characteristic of the Ancient Near East. In this scenario were the Egyptian god Seth and his counterpart the Syro-Palestinian god Baaal, each with a complex story, wherein the iconographical and textual evidence of the gods show much commonality. The association of Seth with Baaal in Egypt is clear, the name of Baaal being written with the Seth-animal determinative, whereas Syro-Palestine has the Mami stele from Ugarit. Major events shook the Ancient Near East ca. 1500-1000 BCE, Egypt reached its apogee and ruled the East; providing the most likely answer regarding the presence and worship of Seth in Syro-Palestine. Certainly Seth was present and worshipped, naturally the massive numbers of Egyptian military and diplomatic personnel required facilities for this practice. Since the earlier Hyksos rulers accepted and worshipped Seth this predicates on a continuum into the period in question. To summarize: Seth equals Baaal and Baaal equals Seth. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel die tradisionele siening van die antieke Egiptiese beskawing een van isolasie en selfonderhouding is, het Egipte en Siro-Palestina in werklikheid ʼn lang geskiedenis van kontak en interaksie voor die Laat Bronstydperk gehad, hoewel ietwat beperk en ad hoc. Die aanvang van die Nuwe Koninkryk in Egipte het ʼn meer dinamiese tydperk van wisselwerking ingelui. Dit was grootliks weens die Egiptiese beleid van toenemende handelsaktiwiteit en militêre veldtogte in Siro-Palestina, asook die opkomende mag van die Asiatiese volke. Op persoonlike vlak was daar altyd ʼn neiging van Asiate om na Egipte te trek op soek na ʼn beter lewe, wat die deur vir die Hiksosheerskappy aan die einde van die Middel-Bronstydperk oopgemaak het. Hierdie vreemdelinge heerskappy was ʼn belediging vir die waardigheid van die Egiptenare. Gevolglik, na afloop van talle militêre veldtogte is die meerderheid van Siro-Palestina in die breër Egiptiese politieke entiteit ingelyf. In teenstelling met die situasie in Egipte was Siro-Palestina alles behalwe geïsoleer. Geleë in die oop kulturele landskap van Sirië en Mesopotamië was dit die ware middelpunt van die Ou Nabye Ooste. Daar was noodwendig aansienlike interaksie, en regdeur die geskiedenis, soos selfs vandag nog, is Siro-Palestina ‟n kruispad en smeltkroes van verskillende volke. Aan die voorpunt van enige wisselwerking was godsdienstige idees, godsdienstige tradisies was ingevoer en uitheemse gode wyd en syd versprei. Die internasionale aard van die gode blyk ʼn kenmerk van die Ou Nabye Ooste te wees. In hierdie scenario was die Egiptiese god Seth en sy Siro-Palestynse eweknie Baäl, elk met ʼn komplekse storie, waarin die ikonografiese en tekstuele bronne van die gode baie ooreenstemming toon. Die verbintenis van Seth met Baäl is duidelik in Egipte, waar Baäl se naam met die Seth-dier as determinatief geskryf is, terwyl Siro-Palestina die Mami-stela van Ugarit het. Groot gebeurtenisse het die Ou Nabye Ooste ca. 1500-1000 v.C. geskud, Egipte het sy hoogtepunt bereik en oor die Ooste geheers, wat die mees waarskynlike antwoord aangaande die teenwoordigheid en aanbidding van Seth in Siro-Palestina verskaf. Seth was ongetwyfeld teenwoordig en aanbid, natuurlik het die enorme getalle Egiptiese militêre en diplomatieke personeel fasiliteite vir hierdie praktyk vereis. Aangesien die vroeëre Hiksosheersers Seth aanvaar en aanbid het, bevestig dit ‟n kontinuum in die periode onder bespreking. Om op te som: Seth is gelyk aan Baäl en Baäl is gelyk aan Seth.

Thesis (DPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Though Biblical Hebrew (=BH) is no longer a spoken language, students continue to learn it for the purpose of reading, or at least interacting at a deeper level, with the text of the Hebrew Bible. This suggests that BH shares with any modern language learning course the goal of learning to read. One important part of learning to read is the acquisition of an adequate number of vocabulary items. The purpose of this study is to determine which insights from Second Language Vocabulary Acquisition (=SLVA) research and related fields hold the most promise for a new — and possibly more effective — approach to learning BH vocabulary, to evaluate currently existing BH instructional materials in light of these insights, to develop a new approach based on these insights, and to test aspects of the new approach empirically. Researchers in SLVA have uncovered a number of helpful insights concerning how vocabulary and vocabulary learning should be defined as well as concerning how vocabulary is best learned. On the other hand, BH instructional materials reflect little to no influence from these insights. These materials have continued to define vocabulary narrowly as individual words and continued to conceive of vocabulary learning primarily as pairing form and meaning in contrast to the much more sophisticated definitions found in the SLVA literature. For example, SLVA researchers consider items beyond the word level, such as idioms, to be vocabulary (Moon 1997; Lewis 1993, 1997). BH instructional materials have also failed to include a significant number of beneficial Vocabulary Learning Strategies (=VLSs), while including some VLSs that are either intrinsically problematic or problematic in the ways they are employed. For example, the strategy of learning semantically related items together is common in BH instructional materials, though it has been shown to be problematic in a considerable number of experimental studies (e.g. Nation 2000; Finkbeiner & Nicol 2003; Papathanasiou 2009). Since SLVA research has yet to influence BH instructional materials, a new approach to BH vocabulary learning is warranted. This new approach is based on sound theory concerning what vocabulary is and what it means to learn it, while offering learners as many helpful strategies for learning lexical items as possible. To justify this new approach, a set of experimental studies was run including one longitudinal case study and three larger-scale experiments. This testing was partial in nature since it was only possible to test one variable at a time. The testing revealed a number of important areas for future research into BH vocabulary learning. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel Bybelse Hebreeus (=BH) nie meer gepraat word nie, hou studente aan om dit aan te leer vir die doel om te lees, of ten minste om op ‘n dieper vlak met die oorspronklike teks van die Hebreeuse Bybel om te gaan. Dit impliseer dat die aanleer van BH net soos met die aanleer van moderne tale, ten doel het om die taal te kan lees. Een belangrike aspek van om te leer lees, is om die woordeskat aan te leer wat vir hierdie doel nodig is. Die doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stel watter insigte, verkry uit Tweede Taal Woordeskat-Aanleer (=TTWA) navorsing en ander verwante studievelde, die meeste belofte inhou vir ‘n nuwe – en moontlik meer effektiewe – benadering tot die leer van BH woordeskat; om huidige BH leermateriaal te evalueer, in lig van hierdie insigte; om ‘n nuwe benadering te ontwikkel gebaseer op hierdie insigte; en om aspekte van die nuwe benadering empiries toets. Navorsers in TTWA het al heelwat insig verkry in hoe woordeskat en die aanleer van woordeskat gedefineer behoort te word, sowel as aangaande die mees effektiewe maniere waarop woordeskat aangeleer kan word. Dit lyk egter of beskikbare BH leermanier niks of baie min by hierdie insigte baatgevind het. Hierdie materiaal handhaaf tipies ‘n baie nou definisie van wat woordeskat is, te wete, individuele woorde. Dit beskou dus die aanleer van woordeskat as die aanleer van hoofsaaklik woordpare met verskillende vorme en betekenisse, in plaas daarvan om die meer gesofistikeerde definisies te gebruik wat in TTWA literatuur gevind word. TTWA navorsers beskou, byvoorbeelde idiome, wat uit meer as een woord kan bestaan, ook as woordskat-eenhede (Moon 1997; Lewis 1993, 1997). BH leermateriaal gebruik selde van die groot getal beskikbare nuttige Woordeskat Leer- Strategieë (=WLS). Daar word eerder dikwels strategieë gebruik wat volgens TTWA navorsing nie baie effektief is nie.’n Goeie voorbeeld in hierdie verband is die strategie om semanties-verwante items saam te leer. Empiriese navorsing het aangetoon dat hierdie strategie sonder twyfel problematies kan wees (bv. Nation 2000; Finkbeiner & Nicol 2003; Papathanasiou 2009). Aangesien TTWA feitelik nog geen beduidende invloed op BH leermateriaal gehad het, is ‘n nuwe benadering tot die aanleer van BH woordeskat waarin TTWA insigte verreken word, geregverdig. Hierdie nuwe benadering is gebaseer op ‘n deeglik begrondige teoriese model aangaande wat woordeskat is, en wat dit beteken om dit te leer. Verder kan geput word uit die skat van nuttige strategieë wat al in TTWS geïdentifiseer is om sodoende aan BH leerder strategieë te bied wat hulleself al bewys het. Om die nuwe benadering empiries te begrond, is ‘n reeks eksperimentele studies geloods. Nie alle aspekte van die nuwe model kon sistematies getoets word nie. Die grondslag vir verdere navorsing is egter gelê.

Thesis (MA (Dept. of Ancient Studies) -- University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / Throughout the centuries artists have visualised the imaginative works of Publius Vergilius Maro in a variety of art forms. Paintings, frescoes, sculptures and even tapestries have made the wordscenes of his great epic, the Aeneid, concrete. The thesis investigates only the illustration of the epic in manuscripts and printed texts or translations. The illustrations of scenes in Book VI – the journey of Aeneas in the underworld – are studied using the reception-historical approach. This is to determine whether the illustrations of the Trojan hero’s journey in the underworld reflect the reception of the Aeneid in the different eras or periods. The illustrator is a “reader” of the Aeneid text or translation and consequently his/her illustration of a particular scene reflects his/her own visual interpretation thereof. Illustrations of Book VI in manuscripts like the Vergilius Vaticanus of late Antiquity and the mid- 15th century Riccardiana Vergilius of Apollonio di Giovanni are examined. A study of illustrations in printed texts or translations range from the 1502 Grüninger edition of Vergil edited by Sebastian Brant to the Book VI illustration of Thom Kapheim in a textbook published in 2001. The aim is to establish how illustrators associated with Book VI, interpreted it, how their environment and the spirit of the age influenced their visualisation and how their illustrations reflect the reception of the epic throughout the centuries. Such a study hopes to provide a contribution to Vergilian reception and Nachleben. In the process a better understanding can be obtained for the importance and changing role of Aeneid VI and the whole epic in different eras. It is found that the illustrators of the Aeneid – influenced by the different spirit of their times and environments – brought forth unique visual interpretations of scenes in Book VI that suggest a particular reception of the epic at that specific point of time. The illustrative spectrum of Book VI throughout the centuries can be summarised as follows: revival, allegorisation, pedagogic, realistic decoration and eventually increasingly unrealistic decoration. From late Antiquity to the beginning of the 21st century, the illustrative visualisation of the journey of Aeneas in the underworld indicates that there has always been a definitive response to Vergil and his epic.

Thesis (MPhil (Ancient Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / This thesis seeks to investigate the possible influence of Iranian apocalyptic on the Judaean apocalyptic literature, which was widely disseminated in the Near East during the Hellenistic and Roman phases of the Second Temple Period (c. 539 BCE- 70 CE). The similarities between Zoroastrianism and Judaism have been the object of scholarly study for more than a century. Iranologists such as Zaehner, Widengren and Boyce were particularly partial to the notion that Zoroastrianism influenced Judaism. They felt such influences were an inevitable consequence of the Judaeans living under Achaemenian rule for almost two centuries, and in close proximity of Persian communities for some centuries after the demise of the Achaemenid Empire. They based their conclusions on literary parallels between some key biblical passages and Persian literature, linguistic evidence and the obviously dualistic nature of both religions. Recently, however, this point of view has come in for criticism from biblical scholars like Barr and Hanson, who have pointed out that many seemingly Iranian concepts could as easily have emanated from other Near Eastern influences or evolved from within the Judaean tradition. The similarities between the Iranian and Judaean world-view are particularly apparent when considering the apocalyptic traditions from Zoroastrianism and Judaism: Both traditions view the course of history as a pre-determined, linear process in which good and evil are in constant conflict on both a physical and metaphysical level, until a great eschatological battle, introduced by a “messiah” figure, will rid all creation of evil. A judgment of all humanity and resurrection are envisaged in both traditions, as well as an utopian eternal life free of evil. However, it is very difficult to prove that these two apocalyptic traditions are in any way related, as most of the apocalyptic works from Iran are dated considerably later than the Judaean apocalypses, which mostly originated during the Hellenistic period. The apocalyptic phenomena within the two traditions are also not always entirely similar, raising the possibility that they are indeed not the result of cultural interaction between the Iranians and Judaeans. Furthermore, one must also consider that many phenomena constituting apocalyptic occurred widely during the Second Temple Period in the Ancient Near East, on account of the general state of powerlessness and disillusionment brought about by the Macedonian conquest of the Achaemenid Empire and the resulting political unrest. This study investigates the relations between Judaeans and Iranians under Achaemenian rule, the political and religious background and apocalyptic traditions of both these peoples in an attempt to ascertain whether Iranian beliefs did indeed influence Judaean apocalypticism. These investigations will show that, given the cultural milieu of the Ancient Near East in the Second Temple period, contemporary Greek evidence of Zoroastrian beliefs and the interpretative bent of Judaean scribal and priestly classes, there is a strong likelihood that seemingly Iranian concepts in Judaean apocalypticism were indeed of Iranian origin.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Augusine's search for the nature of God's exisistence as well as the origin of evil, reaches a climax in Book 7 of his Confessions. This study assumes the position that Augustine strives to find answers to the above mentioned two questions in the first six books of the Confessions. The answers to both these questions were vitally important to Augustine, since it would then convince him to convert to the Christian faith. Augustine repeatedly thought he grasped the true answer to the existence of God and the origin and the nature of evil but he was disillusioned time and again. His quest for an answer started with his reading of Cicero's Hortentius (Conf. 3.4.7), a book that urged Augustine to search for Truth. Augustine then joined the Manicheans, a sect claiming that their doctrine was based on reason and contained the Truth (Conf. 3.6.10). Augustine believed that the Manicheans could resolve his quest for answers to the existence and nature of both God and evil. The Manichean intellectual and scientific exposition of the cosmos allowed Augustine to imagine God and evil as opposing substances. Eventually, promted by his own intellect, Augustine discovered weaknesses in their theories (Conf. 5.3.3-5.6.10). Augustine's final break with the Manicheans, after nine years as an adherent, came when he heard the sermons of Ambrose of Milan. Not only was Augustine impressed by Ambrose's eloquence but his sermons also embodied an interpretation of Platonism in Christian terms. Augustine's reading of the Neoplatonic books in a Latin translation urged him to turn into himself (Conf. 7.10.16) and search for God there. Once Augustine could pronounce upon the intelligible existence of God, his inquiry into the origin of evil resolved itself (7.12.18). / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Augustinus se soeke na die bestaanswyse van God en die aard en onstaan van die kwaad bereik 'n klimaks in Boek 7 van die Confessiones. In hierdie studie word daar van die standpunt uitgegaan dat Augustinus onder andere in die eerste ses boeke van die Confessiones poog om antwoorde te kry op bogenoemde twee vraagstukke. Antwoorde op beide hierdie vrae was van kardinale belang, aangesien dit Augustinus sou oortuig om hom tot die Christelike geloof te bekeer. Augustinus het herhaaldelik gepoog om die ware antwoorde op die vraag na bestaanwyse van God sowel as die oorsprong en die aard van die kwaad te vind. Hy was egter telke male ontnugter. Augustinus se soeke het begin toe hy in aanraking gekom het met Cicero se Hortensius (Conf. 3.4.7), 'n boek wat Augustinus aangemoedig het om die Waarheid na te jaag. Gevolglik het Augustinus by die Manicheërs aangesluit, aangesien dié sekte geglo het dat hulle leerstellinge gebaseer is op die rede en sodoende die volle waarheid bevat (Cant. 3.6.10). Augustinus het geglo dat die Manicheërs sy soektog na antwoorde op die vraag van God en die kwaad se bestaanswyse kon oplos. Die Manicheërs se intellektuele en wetenskaplike uiteensetting van die kosmos het Augustinus toegelaat om God en die kwaad as teenstrydige entiteite te beskou. Ongeveer nege jaar na sy aansluiting by die Manicheërs, aangemoedig deur sy eie intellek, het Augustinus die swak punte in die Manichese leerstellinge ontdek (Cant. 5.3.3-5.6.10). Die finale breek met die Manicheërs het gekom toe Augustinus die preke van Ambrosius in Milaan gehoor het. Nie alleen was Augustinus ingenome met Ambrosius se welsprekendheid nie, maar sy preke het ook die interpretasie van Platonisme in Christelike terme beliggaam. Die Neoplatoniese leerstellinge het Augustinus aangemoedig om na homself, in homself te draai (Conf. 7.10.16) en vir God daar te gaan soek. Sodra Augustinus kon verklaar dat God in die vorm van 'n kenbare wese bestaan, het sy soeke na die oorsprong en die aard van die kwaad dit self opgelos (Cant. 7.12.18).

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The concept of Ma'at is crucial to Ancient Egyptian culture. In Ancient Egypt, Ma'at has two closely related manifestations: the cultural principle and the goddess. Ma'at as general cultural principle relates to the perfect order that was present at the moment when the cosmos came into being. This order eliminated chaos and created perfect balance in every aspect of the cosmos: nature, mankind, the gods, life and death. According to Ancient Egyptian literature, people ordered their lives in terms of the principle to do Ma 'at. This principle amounted to living honestly and justly. In this way, order was maintained and chaos prevented. In religion, which should be considered a subdomain of culture, Ma'at functions as an Ancient Egyptian goddess. As a goddess, Ma'at was considered a being in her own right, with a characteristic appearance, a history, and a cult which was performed by the pharaoh and the priests. Though the conception ofMa'at developed considerably in the long history of Ancient Egypt, the idea was present at the beginning of Egyptian civilization, as is attested by a great variety of inscriptions. The concept played a significant role in this culture from beginning to end. Ma'at was of particular importance to Ancient Egyptian royalty. Royal office included the realization of Ma'at and the consequent destruction ofIsfet. This function was performed by the pharaoh as chief of all cults - by daily sacrifice for Ma'at --, as well as in his role as ruler - by ensuring that public office was performed according to the principle ofMa'at. The Ancient Egyptians maintained that Ma'at functioned not only in life but also in death. In the alternative reality that Ancient Egypt made of death, order obtained, just as in life. Hence Ma' at was present also in death. The essence of Ancient Egypt is not its structures, such as the pyramids, which never cease to fascinate. This essence has to be sought in the way Ma'at gave unity to this remarkable culture. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die begrip Ma'at is rigtinggewend vir die kultuur van Antieke Egipte. In hierdie kultuur het Ma'at twee verskyningsvorme wat ten nouste met mekaar saamhang: die kultuurbeginsel en die godin. Ma'at as algemene kultuurbeginsel het te doen met die volmaakte orde wat tot stand gekom het in die ontstaansoomblik van die kosmos. Hierdie orde hef chaos en wanorde op en skep volkome ewewig in elke aspek van die kosmos: die natuur, die mensdom, die godedom, die lewe en die dood. Die Antieke Egiptiese literatuur bring aan die lig dat mense hulle lewe ingerig het volgens die beginsel om Ma'at te doen. Waarop dit neergekom het om Ma'at te doen, was om eerlik en regverdig te handel. Op hierdie manier is die orde bewaar en die chaos verhoed. Op die terrein van die religie, wat as 'n besondere aspek van die kultuur in die breë beskou moet word, funksioneer Ma'at in Antieke Egipte as 'n godin. Hierdie godin was 'n veronderstelde wese in eie reg, met 'n kenmerkende voorkoms, 'n geskiedenis, en 'n kultus wat deur die farao en die priesters bedien is. Hoewel die siening van Ma'at in die loop van die lang geskiedenis van Antieke Egipte aansienlik ontwikkel het, was die idee van die begin van die Egiptiese beskawing aanwesig, soos 'n groot verskeidenheid inskripsies laat blyk. Die begrip het in hierdie kultuur van begin tot end 'n bepalende rol bly speel. Tussen Ma'at en die koningskap in Antieke Egipte was daar 'n besonder nou band. Ma'at was van wesenlike belang vir die uitvoering van die koninklike amp: dit was die opdrag van die farao om Ma'at te verwesenlik en daarmee Isfet te vernietig. Hierdie taak het die farao uitgevoer as hoof van alle kultusse -- deur die daaglikse offer wat hy in die belang van Ma'at gebring het --, maar ook in die staatsadministrasie -- deur toe te sien dat amptenare hulle werk doen volgens die beginsel van Ma'at. In Antieke Egipte is daarvan uitgegaan dat Ma'at nie net in die lewe nie, maar ook in die dood funksioneer. In die alternatiewe werklikheid wat Antieke Egiptenare van die dood maak, heers daar ook orde. Ma'at is dus ook daar teenwoordig. Die wese van Antieke Egipte is nie die strukture, soos die piramides, wat nou nog die belangstelling gaande maak nie. Dit moet veel eerder gesoek word in die wyse waarop Ma'at eenheid aan hierdie merkwaardige kultuur gegee het.