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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Showing 31 to 33 of 33 (0.052 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"arbetarrörelsen"" "subject:"arbetarrörelsens""
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Anna Lindhagen och Kommittén för medborgerlig ungdomsundervisning : Borgerlig konfirmation i Stockholm omkr. 1933–1938 / Anna Lindhagen and The Committee for Civic Youth Education : Civic confirmation in Stockholm 1933–1938Sjögren, Erik January 2020 (has links)
This essay examines a movement practicing civic confirmation in Stockholm in the 1930s. Organizing the civic confirmations was The Committee for Civic Youth Education, led by civil- and human rights advocate Anna Lindhagen (1870–1941). The practice of civic confirmation is examined within the context of the early 20th century Swedish labour movement and the criticism of church and religion often expressed therein. Based on Janken Myrdal’s method of multiple sources, the essay utilizes several different kinds of sources, consisting of unpublished archival material as well as press and periodical journals, in order to examine the background, purpose and practice of civic confirmation. The origins of the civic confirmations are found within the critique of what was perceived as a too dogmatic and compulsory school education in the Christian faith, leading to a desire to politically reform the religious education of the public-school system. When this failed, Anna Lindhagen and her peers took matters into their own hands, organizing a course of lectures on religious and philosophic thinkers throughout history as well as on contemporary matters deemed important for adolescents. The purpose was to give youths a proper religious education, thus enabling them to become morally and spiritually sound members of society, and to eventually replace the practice of church confirmation. Courses were held throughout the 1930s, but the movement’s fate thereafter is unknown. The civic confirmations in Stockholm were similar to practices in southern Sweden as well as in Denmark and Norway. They were also in many ways typical of how the labour movement had organized its opposition to church practices in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This particular instance of civic confirmation in Stockholm may have had limited effect on society, but within a broader context of secularization in northern Europe, the early and mid-20th century civic confirmations could be understood as forerunners to similar movements organizing civic or humanist youth confirmations in the 21st century.
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Demokrati bortom politiken : En begreppshistorisk analys av demokratibegreppet inom Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetareparti 1919–1939 / Democracy Beyond Politics : An Analysis of the Concept of Democracy within the Swedish Social Democratic Party 1919–1939Friberg, Anna January 2013 (has links)
This dissertation analyzes the concept of democracy as it was used in the official rhetoric of the Swedish SocialDemocratic Party (SAP ) between 1919 and 1939. Theoretically, the dissertation relies on German Begriffsgeschichte, as put forward by Reinhart Koselleck, and Michael Freeden’s theory of ideologies. Together, by supplementing each other, these theories offer a perspective in which concepts are thought of as structures that are under contestation and change due to socio-political circumstances. However, the formulation of this change takes place in relation to the linguistic praxis of each time-period, and renegotiates the relative constraints of established relations between concepts in language. The analysis shows that the profound changes in society provided impetus for a continuous renegotiation of meanings, allowing concepts to retain their explanatory power under changing circumstances, at the same time the SAP needed new ways to express what kind of society the party strived to realize. The SAP had been one of the leading forces in the struggle for universal suffrage, and when the bill, giving universal suffrage to men andwomen, was passed in the Parliament 1919 this meant a temporary cessation to a long and intensive political debate. However, the SAP did not consider the introduction of suffrage reform as the end of full societal democratization. Rather than seeing the reform as a terminal point, the SAP saw it as the starting point for the struggle for full democracy. The SAP did not limit itself to only one concept of democracy but instead used a number of composite concepts, such as political democracy and economic democracy. The use of composite concepts can be understood as a changing temporalization of democracy. Since parliamentarism and suffrage were seen as central components in democracy, the realization of these institutions meant that the concept of democracy lost its future dimension. Thus, the usage of composite concepts should be seen as a re-temporalization of democracy. The composite concepts pointed forward in time, toward political goals that the SAP envisaged realizing in the future. Concepts should not be thought of as having cores but rather, as suggested by Freeden, ineliminable features. An ineliminable feature is not of logical nature but has a strong cultural adjacency. By analyzing the ineliminable components of the concepts of democracy that the SAP used, it is possible to discuss whether the composite concepts should be understood as subsets of a whole or as separate concepts. The analysis shows that the composite concepts that the SAP used during the first half of the 1920s shared a number of ineliminable features, but that the commonality of these features started to disintegrate during the latter half of the decade, leading to a rather diversive concept of democracy. During the 1930s the disintegration ceased as the party was faced with new circumstances, for example the growing threat of international war and national clashes between different social groups. There has always been a close relation between language and society. However, the relationship does not follow a simple and clear-cut logic but a complex mixture of various factors at different levels, both within language itself and of society. When society develops, language also has to change if the ongoing process is to be understood. As this study shows, new circumstances require new argumentsand thus revised concepts.
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Arbetarrörelsen inom den radikala konstmusikens tankekollektiv : En studie av relationen mellan det radikala musiklivet och arbetarrörelsen under svenskt 1960-tal / Labourism within the Thought Collective of Radical Art Music : A Study of the Relationship between the Radical Music Scene and the Labour Movement in Sweden during the 1960sPetersson, Tobias January 2014 (has links)
Subject of this study is the evolvement of the radical art music scene in Sweden. In this development took the labour movement an active part during the 1960s. The purpose of this study is to examine how the relationship between the radical art music scene and the labour movement was constituted and what this relationship implied for the Swedish radical art music scene during the 1960s. During the 1960s radical music became an influencial part in the Swedish music scene of modern art music. In this development the artists’ society Fylkingen had a central position. In the early 1960s Fylkingen began to incorporate writers, engineers, scientists, sociologists, philosophers, economists, etc. in their work and a number of projects were initiated which interacted with common society. A proposal for a public record company was developed together with KSF (Social Democratic Association for Cultural Workers) and was presented to the Swedish parliament. In collaboration with ABF (Workers’ Educational Association) the first studio for electronic music was build in 1960 and the relationship between the labour movement and the radical art music scene was institutionalized as the Stockholm Electronic Music Studio Foundation. This thesis uses the terminology of Ludwik Fleck to examine the relationship between the radical art music scene and the labour movement. The concepts of Thought collective and Thought-style are used to draw conclusions about common values and objectives within the Thought-style. The radical art music scene and the labour movement are understood to be part of a common Thought collective with a common style of thought. Because of this relationship, projects initiated in the radical music scene came to emphasize the democratic and educational aspects of music. In the latter half of the 1960s it was conceived impossible to achieve these goals under the existing program, leading to the notion within the style of thought that technological advancement was a prerequisite for a democratic music scene.
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