Nos séculos IV e V ocorreram contínuos esforços por uma unificação e homogenização do credo cristão, algo que provocou o embate e o confronto entre as diversas vertentes, cada qual arrogava para si o título de verdadeiros cristãos e imputando aos seus adversários a alcunha de falsos cristãos. O ethos retórico cristão é constituído a partir da premissa de que haveria uma única Verdade, assim sendo, na medida em que ser cristão é, por definição, empreender a imitatio Christi, tentava-se determinar aquele que advoga por Cristo do dito herege. Em meio a estas intensas disputas retóricas, Agostinho de Hipona foi um dos autores de maior destaque, participando dos principais debates de sua época. O donatismo, o arianismo e o pelagianismo foram três dos seus principais adversários. Cada qual representando um diferente desafio, Agostinho necessitava responder e enfrentar estas vertentes na defesa do que ele acreditava ser a verdadeira via salvífica cristã. O donatismo foi considerado como um desdobramento das perseguições perpetradas por Diocleciano; estas teriam causado um cisma político e doutrinário, cindindo a Igreja cristã na África romana. O arianismo, uma dissidência trinitária e protagonista inconteste do século IV, defendia uma hierarquia dentro da Trindade e contestava sua própria definição. O pelagianismo, uma frequente preocupação de Agostinho nos seus últimos 20 anos, negava o conceito do pecado original e questionava papel da Graça divina na salvação. A partir da premissa de que o que estava realmente em jogo era a definição de qual das vertentes era verdadeiramente a portadora do legado de Cristo, a presente pesquisa procura comparar o processo de construção do ethos retórico destas três vertentes. Almeja-se, portanto, investigar o ethos retórico imputado por Agostinho aos seus adversários, cotejando os tratados polêmicos feitos pelo bispo de Hipona contra donatista, arianos e pelagianos. / There were continuous efforts in the 4th and 5th centuries aiming to unify and homogeneity of the Christian faith, causing clashes between different doctrines each one claiming to be the true Christians and calling the adversaries as false Christians. The Christian rhetorical ethos is constituted by the fundament that there is only one Truth: to be Christian is, by definition, undertaking the imitatio Christi. Then it would be possible to distinguish the one who preached for Christ and the one so -called heretical. Among those intense rhetorical disputes, Augustine of Hippo was one the most prominent authors, contributing to the greatest discussions from his time. Donatism, Arianism, and Pelagianism were his main enemies. Each one of them representing a different challenge, Augustine needed to answer and defy those three branches in defence of his own belief as the Christian redemption. The Donatism was seen as a development from the persecutions made by Emperor Diocletian, causing a political and doctrinal breaking causing the Christian Roman African Church division. The Arianism, a Trinitarian schism and without any doubt protagonist of the 4th century doctrinal debate, defending a hierarchy among the people of the Trinity, challenging its own concept. Pelagianism, a recurrent Augustines preoccupation in his last twenty years of life, denied the idea of original sin and defied the role of divine grace in the redemption. Based on the starting point the was actually in dispute was which one of these three branches were the true bearer of Christ legacy, this research aims to compare the construction process of the rhetoric ethos from those tree branches. In order to do that, this thesis investigates the rhetoric ethos ascribed for Augustine of Hippo to his adversaries, focusing on the polemic tracts made by Augustine of Hippo against the Donatists, Arians, and, Pelagians.

C’est tout particulièrement au chapitre X du De Trinitate qu’Hilaire de Poitiers place sa distinction du dolereet du pati du Christ au coeur d'une ample réflexion doctrinale visant à démontrer que l'Incarnation et la Passion du Christ, témoignant de l'humanité assumée en vertu de «l'économie» (dispensatio), n'avaient en rien altéré la plénitude de sa divinité. Mais la pensée d'Hilaire est parfois considérée comme difficile, voire obscure. Hilaire, confesseur de la foi, aurait-il tenu des propos contraires à l'orthodoxie ? Qu'a-t-il réellement pensé des servitudes liées à la condition humaine du Christ (faim, soif, larmes) ainsi que des «passions» qu'il s'agisse des souffrances d'origine corporelle ou psychologique qu'il eut à traverser ? Comment le mystère de l'Incarnation pouvait éclairer le mystère de la Passion du Christ ? Ces constats ont invité à une relecture des interrogations d'Hilaire sur l'humanité souffrante du Verbe incarné dans le contexte historique de ses œuvres : la période pré-exilique de l'évêque de Poitiers avec son In Matthaeum, la période de son exil en Phrygie (356-360) avec son immersion dans l’Église d'Orient et deux ouvrages : le De Trinitate et le De Synodis, sa période post-exilique avec son Tractatus super Psalmos. / It is particularly in Chapter X of De Trinitate that Hilary of Poitiers places his distinction of Christ's dolere and pati at the heart of an extensive doctrinal reflection aiming to demonstrate that the Incarnation and Passion of Christ, testimonials of Christ's human nature assumed by virtue of «economy» (dispensatio), had ot altered the fullness of His divinity. Nonetheless, the thought of Hilary is sometimes considered difficultor even obscure. Could Hilary, confessor of the faith, have made statements contrary to Orthodoxy ? What did he truly think of the thralls relating to the human condition of Christ (hunger, thirst, tears) as well as ofthe « passions », whether they were sufferings of either bodily or psychological origin, that Christ would have had to traverse ? How does the mystery of the Incarnation shed light upon the mystery of Christ'sPassion ? These observations have prompted a new reading of Hilary's views on the Incarnate Word's suffering human nature, and this, according to the historical context of his works : a) the pre-exilic period of the Bishop of Poitiers with his In Matthaeum, b) the per-exilic period in Phrygia (356-360) with his immersion in the Eastern Church and two works, De Trinitate and De Synodis and, finally, c) the post-exilicperiod with his Tractatus super Psalmos.

Amphiloque d’Iconium contribue à l’élaboration de la théologie du 4ème siècle en précisant la terminologie christologique, en particulier avec l’expression «un Fils et deux natures». Selon Amphiloque, la nature humaine du Christ est «passible, mortelle et intelligible». La nature divine est «impassible, immortelle et invisible». Le Logos de Dieu, affirme Amphiloque, a été enfanté «à cause de l’Économie». Selon l’expression propre d’Amphiloque, «le Logos de Dieu est né charnellement, pour que nous soyons réengendrés spirituellement». Il a supporté la forme d’esclave, pour que nous profitions de la gloire de la filiation. Pour Amphiloque, le Père est «incréé» et le «le créateur de toutes choses», le Fils «a été engendré hors du temps et sans principe» et «existe depuis toujours avec le Père selon la divinité» et l’Esprit, Amphiloque dit qu’Il «procède de Dieu le Père éternellement». Amphiloque parle clairement de la coexistence éternelle de trois personnes divines, de l’incréé du Père, de l’engendrement du Fils et de la procession de l’Esprit. / Amphilochius of Iconium contributes to the development of the 4th century’s theology by specifying the Christological terminology, especially with the phrase "one Son and two natures". According to Amphilochius, the human nature of Christ is "liable, deadly and intelligible". The divine nature is "impassible, immortal and invisible". According to Amphilochius, the Logos of God was engendered "because of the Economy".According to the particular expression of Amphilochius, "the Logos of God was born carnally, so as we will be regenerated spiritually". Christ put on the form of a slave, so that we can take advantage of the glory of adoption.For Amphilochius, the Father is "uncreated", "the creator of all things", the Son "was created out oftime and without principle" and "has always existed with the Father according to the divinity" and the Holy Spirit, Amphilochius says that It "eternally proceeds from the Father". Amphilochius speaks clearly for the eternal coexistence of the three divine persons, for the uncreated of the Father, the begotten of the Son and the procession of the Holy Spirit.

(in English): The thesis deals with the history of arianism. It emphasizes the historical and theology-philosohical conext of arianism, which is essential for understanding the whole topic and especially for understanding the development of the early Christians' faith. It outlines how the early Christians perceived their faith, which is important in order to grasp the basic principles and understanding of early beliefs also outlines the context of late antique philosophy that influenced the theological-philosophical framework of orthodoxy and arianism itself. The text of the thesis focuses on the political situation in Europe at the end of antiquity, the rise of arianism in the first half of the fourth century and its dispute with orthodoxy, whose dogma has been defined during the council of Constantinople (381). Already before the beginning of second council in Constantinople arianism started to spread through the barbarian tribes, the Goths, Vandals and Burgundians to the West, where it was incorporated into the policy of tribal States. Thanks to these tribes arianism survived in the West until the sixth century. The thesis brings incentive for further research of Arianism in the context of religious and political relations in the Western and Eastern parts of the Roman Empire in the early Middle Ages.

This dissertation investigates how two fifth-century bishops of Rome, Leo I (440-461) and Gelasius (492-496) understood and opposed heresy. More specifically, by stressing the contested character of heresy and the at times optative nature of the bishop of Rome’s opposition to it, this dissertation hopes to provide a new perspective on how Leo and Gelasius imagined and justified the authority of the Apostolic See in an uncertain world. To accomplish this task, this dissertation considers Leo and Gelasius’ opposition to various different heresies and details the methods by which they were opposed. This will be done through an examination of the records of synods, Roman law, other contemporary narrative sources, but especially through the letters and tractates of Leo and Gelasius themselves, carefully read and considered in their fifth-century context. Furthermore, it is argued that the history of the development of the ideas of heresy and orthodoxy were profoundly connected with Rome’s emerging importance as a locus of authentic Christian teachings; the history of the bishops of Rome cannot be told without examining the history of heresy and orthodoxy and vice versa. Because orthodoxy and heresy were not tangible historical phenomena but rather were malleable categories that emerged as part of a wider discourse of Christian identity construction, the bishops of Rome were not in every case the unqualified enemies of heresy. Instead, their definition of heterodox belief and their opposition to religious deviance were complex, often qualified and always historically contingent. This study seeks to investigate the way in which Leo and Gelasius mobilized the language of heresiology in order to convince Christians in the Latin west and the Greek east, as well as the imperial authorities, that Rome’s interpretations were legitimate and binding.

Christians, Gnostics, and Platonists attempts to characterize the ethos of late antiquity (100–500 CE) as one that despised matter and the body. It operates within the assumption that there are four criteria which establish this characterization, namely an emphasis on the evil of life, a distrust of the sociopolitical world, asceticism, and an interest in the supernatural. These four criteria are evident in the Platonists, Christians, and Gnostics of the period. As Chapter Two reveals the dissertation understands the concept of ethos in the context of R. C. Trench's discussion of aion: "all the thoughts, opinions, maxims, speculations, impulses, and aspirations present in the world at any given time." In Chapter Three Plato and the Middle Platonists are viewed as bequeathing to late antiquity its world–denying philosophy which the Gnostics preached more incessantly than the Platonists and the Christians practiced more conscientiously than the Gnostics. The Neoplatonists were the Platonists of late antiquity. In the writings of such figures as Plotinus and Porphyry the hatred of matter and the body is boldly expressed, and it is only slightly less apparent in later philosophers like Iamblichus and Proclus. In Plotinus we discern a profound distrust of the sociopolitical world and in Proclus a thoroughgoing asceticism paired with an interest in the supernatural. In Chapter Four it is shown that Gnosticism was more unyielding than either Platonism or Christianity in its insistence that matter and the body were evil, and it followed the late antique distrust of the social world both in its elitism and in its view of martyrdom as an act of casting pearls before swine. Gnosticism tended to accept the asceticism of late antiquity though some of its adherents practiced an extreme licentiousness that was the counterpart of asceticism in that it approached the body as worthless. The late antique emphasis on the supernatural is evidenced by such Gnostic figures as Simon Magus, Carpocrates, and Valentinus. Chapter Five demonstrates that the hatred of matter and the body is also expressed by the Christians albeit with less consistency to their worldview. It can be glimpsed in the ante– Nicene, post–Nicene, and desert fathers as well as in the Arians. It is most notable in the attempts of Justin Martyr, Origen, and Arius to place the Son at a lower ontological level than the Father in order to protect God from the evil entity of matter. The late antique distrust of the sociopolitical world is manifested in the Christian view of martyrdom as a way of scorning a corrupt world, a view unlike that of the Gnostics. No one possessed this distrust more strongly than the Donatists with whom the later Augustine had some kinship. Many of the Christians tended to practice asceticism and the miraculous, the form in which the supernatural took in their case. The desert fathers can be said to be the most sincere representatives of late antiquity with their intense practice of both of these expressions of the ethos. / Thesis (M.A. (Church and Dogma history))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011.

Christians, Gnostics, and Platonists attempts to characterize the ethos of late antiquity (100–500 CE) as one that despised matter and the body. It operates within the assumption that there are four criteria which establish this characterization, namely an emphasis on the evil of life, a distrust of the sociopolitical world, asceticism, and an interest in the supernatural. These four criteria are evident in the Platonists, Christians, and Gnostics of the period. As Chapter Two reveals the dissertation understands the concept of ethos in the context of R. C. Trench's discussion of aion: "all the thoughts, opinions, maxims, speculations, impulses, and aspirations present in the world at any given time." In Chapter Three Plato and the Middle Platonists are viewed as bequeathing to late antiquity its world–denying philosophy which the Gnostics preached more incessantly than the Platonists and the Christians practiced more conscientiously than the Gnostics. The Neoplatonists were the Platonists of late antiquity. In the writings of such figures as Plotinus and Porphyry the hatred of matter and the body is boldly expressed, and it is only slightly less apparent in later philosophers like Iamblichus and Proclus. In Plotinus we discern a profound distrust of the sociopolitical world and in Proclus a thoroughgoing asceticism paired with an interest in the supernatural. In Chapter Four it is shown that Gnosticism was more unyielding than either Platonism or Christianity in its insistence that matter and the body were evil, and it followed the late antique distrust of the social world both in its elitism and in its view of martyrdom as an act of casting pearls before swine. Gnosticism tended to accept the asceticism of late antiquity though some of its adherents practiced an extreme licentiousness that was the counterpart of asceticism in that it approached the body as worthless. The late antique emphasis on the supernatural is evidenced by such Gnostic figures as Simon Magus, Carpocrates, and Valentinus. Chapter Five demonstrates that the hatred of matter and the body is also expressed by the Christians albeit with less consistency to their worldview. It can be glimpsed in the ante– Nicene, post–Nicene, and desert fathers as well as in the Arians. It is most notable in the attempts of Justin Martyr, Origen, and Arius to place the Son at a lower ontological level than the Father in order to protect God from the evil entity of matter. The late antique distrust of the sociopolitical world is manifested in the Christian view of martyrdom as a way of scorning a corrupt world, a view unlike that of the Gnostics. No one possessed this distrust more strongly than the Donatists with whom the later Augustine had some kinship. Many of the Christians tended to practice asceticism and the miraculous, the form in which the supernatural took in their case. The desert fathers can be said to be the most sincere representatives of late antiquity with their intense practice of both of these expressions of the ethos. / Thesis (M.A. (Church and Dogma history))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011.

Nearly 300 years before the rise of a ‘Christianized,’ Eastern Roman Empire, generations of inhabitants in the Eastern Mediterranean and Near East had witnessed a considerable variety and evolution of religious thought. As a result of the expansion of Christian sects throughout the Near East and Mediterranean, in 325 CE, Emperor Constantine I convened a theological council to unite his vast kingdom in the East under a single religious creed. While revisions to the text of the first ‘Nicene Creed’ and subsequent councils would be organized, many dissenting factions refused to relinquish their long-held beliefs and traditions. Some of these ‘heterodox’ sects resisted the religious arm of the Empire and concealed their practices while continuing to worship in secrecy. Clues to the subversion of ‘orthodox’ ecclesiastical mandate may still persist in the mosaic programs of extant churches in the Mediterranean and Transjordan. In particular, the general design of mosaics in the Transjordan (e.g., the Petra Church, Petra; the Church of SS. Lot and Procopius, Khirbet al-Mukhayyat; and the Church of SS. Cosmas and Damian, Jerash) are somewhat similar, yet divergent from designs found within churches from the Italian Peninsula (e.g., the Theodorean Basilical Complex, Aquileia; the Church of San Vitale, Ravenna; and the Church of Sant’Apollinare in Classe, Classe). The purpose of this thesis is to use the principles of semiotic theory to re-evaluate the use of symbols and icons within sacred mosaic programs, juxtaposed against the historical and ecclesiastical context surrounding their creation.

Nearly 300 years before the rise of a 'Christianized,' Eastern Roman Empire, generations of inhabitants in the Eastern Mediterranean and Near East had witnessed a considerable variety and evolution of religious thought. As a result of the expansion of Christian sects throughout the Near East and Mediterranean, in 325 CE, Emperor Constantine I convened a theological council to unite his vast kingdom in the East under a single religious creed. While revisions to the text of the first 'Nicene Creed' and subsequent councils would be organized, many dissenting factions refused to relinquish their long-held beliefs and traditions. Some of these 'heterodox' sects resisted the religious arm of the Empire and concealed their practices while continuing to worship in secrecy. Clues to the subversion of 'orthodox' ecclesiastical mandate may still persist in the mosaic programs of extant churches in the Mediterranean and Transjordan. In particular, the general design of mosaics in the Transjordan (e.g., the Petra Church, Petra; the Church of SS. Lot and Procopius, Khirbet al-Mukhayyat; and the Church of SS. Cosmas and Damian, Jerash) are somewhat similar, yet divergent from designs found within churches from the Italian Peninsula (e.g., the Theodorean Basilical Complex, Aquileia; the Church of San Vitale, Ravenna; and the Church of Sant'Apollinare in Classe, Classe). The purpose of this thesis is to use the principles of semiotic theory to re-evaluate the use of symbols and icons within sacred mosaic programs, juxtaposed against the historical and ecclesiastical context surrounding their creation.

To accomplish the purpose of this thesis an examination of the hermeneutical method expounded by Athanasius will be made. There are three books that comprise Contra Arianos so the progression of this thesis will follow the progression of the stated Athanasian work. This thesis will also review the relevant passages that Athanasius utilizes to present his case for the Eternal Sonship of Jesus Christ. This review will adequately demonstrate the Athanasian Trinitarian concept of eternal, functional subordination of the Son to the Father. The thesis will also review the word ”homoousios” in order to support the conclusions of Contra Arianos. The word ”homoousios” was the term that became the official recognized position of orthodox Christology at the Council of Nicea. The need for such a review arises from the academic concern that the word ”homoousios” may exclude the idea of functional subordination. A review of this word (along with its history) seems appropriate. However, the conclusion (and defense of that conclusion) that will be presented is that homoousios is not mutually incompatible with the idea of ”functional subordination” in a temporal or eternal relationship. This term and concept will adequately demonstrate that an eternal, functional subordination relationship exists between the Father and Son from the Athanasian point of view. Historical and background studies, which will help interpret and clarify cultural meanings, will also be employed to enhance the study of this thesis. Finally, certain conclusions will be presented showing the results of the study. The conclusions will attempt to answer questions that have undoubtedly arisen in the mind of the informed reader of ancient theology and may help identify and even address contemporary issues concerning the Christological and Trinitarian doctrines. / Systematic Theology & Theological Ethics / M. Th. (Theological Studies)