Legal regulation of the status of persons with special needs in the EU Asylum directives (Abstract) By the very nature of their status, applicants for international protection and recognized refugees are among the most vulnerable persons. Within this group, there is also a subgroup of persons with special problems, risks and needs that make them even more vulnerable. This subgroup of persons with special needs is provided special protection within the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). The foundation of this special protection consists of three legal acts commonly referred to as asylum directives - the Reception directive, the Qualification directive and the Procedural directive, adopted between 2003 and 2005 The legal status of persons with special needs is an important topic in the current discussion on the amendments to the Asylum directives and the general development of the CEAS system. The Dissertation "Legal regulation of the status of persons with special needs in EU Asylum directives" has an ambition to contribute to this core discussion on the future content of the European asylum acquis. The paper analyses EU regulations and related national laws relevant to the treatment of this group of applicants for international protection as defined in art. 17 para. 1 of the Reception directive. Based on...

Right to Personal Liberty in the Context of the Asylum Law of the European Union Mgr. Miloš Kulda Abstract: Right to personal liberty is considered to be one of the most important fundamental rights of a person. Unfortunately, the interferences to this right also constitute one of the aspects that generally accompanies asylum and forced migration. Europe is no exception in this respect. The topic of this theses is as follows: Right to Personal Liberty in the Context of the Asylum Law of the European Union. The objective of the theses is particularly to assess the level of protection which is provided within the European Union to asylum seekers and other forced migrant - i.e. refused asylum seekers and so called irregular migrants - against unauthorised deprivation of their liberty. The research is performed in the light of both the European Union law and European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. The focus of the thesis stands on two main pillars. The first one are the rules concerning the deprivation of liberty of asylum seekers and other forced migrants according to Art. 5 of the Convention and related case-law of the European Court of Justice. The second pillar are then the rules concerning the deprivation of liberty of the above mentioned groups of persons according...

L’évolution des technologies de l’information et du transport a favorisé l’action transnationale du terrorisme, exigeant une réponse étatique qui prenne en considération le mouvement transfrontalier des terroristes. Cette réponse s’est traduite dans le cas les États‐Unis et de l’Espagne par l’introduction de dispositifs de lutte antiterroriste dans le droit migratoire et d’asile. Les dispositifs de lutte antiterroriste insérés aux États‐Unis sont cohérents avec la tradition migratoire interne tandis que ceux introduits par l’Espagne sont cohérents avec le droit international, par le biais de l’introduction des règles de l’UE. La doctrine internationale a aussi justifié l’adoption de ces dispositifs, invoquant les théories du contrat social et de l’exceptionnalisme souverain. Pourtant, l’introduction de ces dispositifs de lutte antiterroriste par les pays étudiés répond à un processus de confusion des buts et des moyens de lutte contre la criminalité et la migration illégale ou crimmigration. Ces dispositifs ne sont pas très efficaces pour lutter contre le terrorisme, malgré leur présence continue pendant le contrôle migratoire et le traitement des demandeurs d’asile, mais ils sont utiles pour lutter contre l’immigration illégale et préserver la «stabilité culturelle». De fait, ces dispositifs font partie d’un système sélectif de surveillance qui a impliqué la création d’un droit migratoire et d’asile «de l’ennemi», qui conçoit l’étranger comme une source de danger justifiant l’octroi d’un traitement qui le dépersonnalise, permettant à l’État d’atteindre symboliquement ses buts et, éventuellement, d’obtenir de la légitimité vis‐à‐vis de la population autochtone. / Advances in information and transportation technology support transnational terrorist action and require a state response which takes into account the transnational terrorist movement. This response resulted in, for the United States and Spain, immigration and asylum measures that are part of counter‐terrorism strategies. American migratory and asylum measures to combat terrorism are consistent with American migratory tradition and foreign policy, while Spanish measures are consistent with international law, though in conformity with European law. The international doctrine has also justified the adoption of these measures on the basis of social contract and sovereign exceptionalism theories. However, the adoption of migratory and asylum measures to combat terrorism is part of a process of criminalization of migratory law also known as crimmigration. The migratory and asylum measures undertaken to combat terrorism have not been effective in eradicating terrorism, despite their continuous presence during migration control and treatment of asylum‐seekers, though they are valuable instruments for action against illegal migration and preserving cultural "stability". In fact, they are part of a surveillance system of alien people. The construction of this system implies the creation of an "Enemy" migratory and asylum law that considers the alien as a risk to security and consequently gives the alien an exceptional treatment which results in the loss of its legal personality. This "Enemy" migratory and asylum law enables the State to symbolically achieve its goals and obtain a new source of legitimacy.

This thesis deals with the proposed changes in the area of EU asylum and migration law in the light of the current refugee crisis. EU asylum and migration law are two separate areas between which there is a "close connection". The paper describes EU asylum and migration legal framework, then delimits the term "refugee crisis" and reviews recent measures taken or proposed by the EU. The thesis is divided into 3 chapters. In the first part of the paper the author follows up the legal framework which encompasses both international legal instruments (1951 Refugee Convention and others) and EU primary law and secondary acts. The second chapter is dedicated to analysis of the "refugee crisis", its crises factors, as well as to reflections on the characteristic of this crisis as a state of emergency. The last chapter, which is internally divided into two subchapters, concerning asylum and migration law, relates to particular measures taken by the EU during the crisis. The subchapter which deals with the asylum law includes the following topics: on the one hand it describes ad hoc measures to tackle the migration crisis in Italy and Greece, on the other hand it analyzes proposals of a system reform (e.g. proposal for a permanent EU relocation mechanism, reform of the Dublin system, completing the reform of...

The idea of this study is based on the legislative process of the Swedish temporary asylum law. Due to an increasing number of request for asylum in 2015, the parliament appointed a temporary asylum law to create a more restrictive migration policy. This measure was criticized by several parliamentary committees which were emphasising different negative aspects that could possibly affect the refugees. The government responded to the critics by referring to the EU minimum level and by comparison with other EU countries. In 2019 the parliament decided to extend the temporary law even though the number of asylum seekers had decreased. The main argument for this extension was to prevent an increasing amount of asylum seekers as soon as the migration policy in Sweden were to become more generous again. Previous research has shown that not long after the first proposition of the temporary asylum law the law was implemented, indicating a rushed decision made by the Swedish parliament. Thus is our purpose with this study to examine the political negotiations of the legislative process regarding the temporary asylum law and its extension. In addition to that the aim of the study is also to research if the extension of the law contributed to different discourses. Through a critical discourse analysis our main conclusion is that the underlying negotiations of the legislative process cover four main areas: economy and resources, EU, the asylum system and consequences. Within each field we discovered discourses that could be applicable in both the legislative process of 2016 and in the process of extension 2019. Nevertheless the result of the analysis also presented two discourses that became important parts in relation to the extension. These discourses were convention on the rights of the child and EU. Even though these discourses could be found in the first legislative process, they reach a remarkably higher state of importance in the extension of the asylum law and therefore are appointed as new since they did not held the same level of relevance before.

Då asylsökande åberopar sexuell läggning eller könsidentitet som asylskäl, är den egna berättelsen inte sällan den enda bevisning som finns att tillgå. Detta innebär att trovärdigheten i den asylsökandes framförande av sin berättelse tillmäts stor vikt. Tidigare forskning har funnit att trovärdighetsbedömningen i västerländska länders asylprövning påverkas av vilken handläggare som hanterar ärendet, och dennas stereotyper av sexuell läggning och könsidentitet. Förekomsten av stereotyper har härletts till kompetens- eller rutinbrist. Exempelvis har det anförts att asylprövande myndigheter och domstolar lider brist på normkritik och nyanserad kunskap i hbtq+-personers olika omständigheter och leverne. Denna studie erbjuder en annan hypotes, med utgångspunkt i etablerad politisk teori och samtida statsvetenskaplig forskning: Att ideologin romantisk liberalism präglar västerländska länders asylprövning. Det finns empiriskt stöd för att människor i västvärlden i allt större utsträckning värdesätter individuell frihet. Tidigare forskning har antagit att detta värdesättande leder till ökad tolerans och välkomnande av ökad mångfald. Ett sådant positivt förhållande ifrågasätts emellertid av flera statsvetare, däribland den svenska statsvetaren Gina Gustavsson. I en avhandling från 2014 presenterar Gustavsson en beskrivning av en romantisk gren inom liberalismen. Denna ideologi framhåller ett obevekligt, provokativt och kreativt uttryck för individens originalitet: både vad avser beskrivningar av vad människan är, och värderande utsagor om hur människan bör vara. En sådan syn, menar Gustavsson, är en förrädisk förståelse för frihet som kan urarta i intolerans, trots att den utges för det motsatta. Med ideologianalys prövas rätts- och myndighetsmaterial från ett urval västerländska länders asylprövning mot en idealtyp av den romantiska liberalismen. Resultatet är att den romantiska liberalismens frihetsideal i flera avseenden kommer till uttryck i urvalet västerländska länders asylprövning. Slutsatsen är att beslutsfattare och utredares upptagenhet av särskilda uttryck för den asylsökandes identitet, kan förstås som en manifestation av den romantiska liberalismens frihetsideal. Detta snarare än som uttryck främst för kompetens- och rutinbrist, såsom tidigare forskning konstaterat. Vidare förs en diskussion kring betydande spänningar mellan den romantiska liberalismen och mänskliga rättigheters universella anspråk. Detta särskilt avseende asylsökandes begränsade möjlighet eller avsikt att leva upp till romantiskt liberala frihetsideal. / As asylum seekers invoke sexual orientation or gender identity as a reason for asylum, their own story is often the only evidence available. This means that the credibility of asylum seeker's presentation of their story, often is given great importance. Previous research shows that credibility assessments in Western countries can differ depending on the sexual orientation and gender identity stereotypes of the case officer who is handling the case. The existence of stereotypes has been related to lack of skills or routine. For example, it is in previous research stated that asylum reviewing authorities and courts suffer from a lack of norm criticism and nuanced knowledge of lgbtq+-persons' different circumstances and living. This study offers another hypothesis, based on established political theory and contemporary political science research: That the ideology romantic liberalism characterizes the asylum procedure in Western countries. There is empirical support for the fact that people in the Western world increasingly value individual freedom. Previous research has assumed that such values leads to increased tolerance and a welcoming of diversity. However, such a positive relationship is questioned by the Swedish political scientist Gina Gustavsson. In Gustavssons’ dissertation from 2014, a description of a romantic branch of liberalism is presented, which elevates a relentless, creative and provocative expression of the individual's originality: both in terms of descriptions of what an individual is, and evaluative statements about what an individual should be. Such a view, Gustavsson says, is a treacherous understanding of freedom that can degenerate into intolerance, even though it is issued to stand for the contrary. With ideology analysis, judicial and governmental material from a sample of Western countries' asylum procedures is tested against an ideal type of romantic liberalism. The results of the analysis show that the ideal of freedom of romanticism, in several respects, can be found in the asylum procedure in a sample of Western countries. The conclusion is that decision makers and investigators' preoccupation with specific expressions of the identity of the asylum seeker can be understood as a manifestation of the freedom ideals in the romantic liberalism. This rather than a lack of skills and routine, as previous research has found. Furthermore, a discussion is held regarding that there is considerable tension between romantic liberalism and the universal claims of human rights. This particularly regarding the asylum seekers' limited ability or intention to live up to the freedom ideals of the romantic liberalism.