In this thesis, a semi-autobiographical manga, Hadashi no Gen, written by Nakazawa Keiji, is analyzed through the lens of trauma theory. By using trauma theory, I hope to shed light on in what way trauma might affect narrative techniques and in what way the narrative techniques convey trauma and emotion to the reader. For the analysis “Trauma Fiction” by Anne Whitehead was chosen and categories based on her findings were made. The categories are: Intertextuality, repetition, dispersed and fragmented narrative voice, memory place, choiceless choice and fantastic. I discovered that all these themes, observed in other trauma fiction as well, are more or less used as a narrative tool in Hadashi no Gen. Further I observed that by conveying traumatic events and emotions through a combination of images and language is a powerful tool and might even be more effective than standard prose text

Since the end of World War II the United States has grown and maintained a stockpile of nuclear weapons in the interest of preserving world peace, and with the specific intent to provide unparalleled national security to its citizens. It was a commonly held view during this time that a large diverse stockpile was a fundamental key to national security. However, in today’s ever-changing environment, Los Alamos National Laboratory finds itself with an infrastructure unable to quickly adapt to new national security needs and threats. Burdened by the management of a Cold-War-era stockpile, nuclear operations at Los Alamos will benefit from a reduced stockpile initiative. Contrary to previously held beliefs, Los Alamos can be the prime beneficiary to such an approach, and use such a monumental shift in strategy to modernize infrastructure, revitalize critical staff, and effectively manage critical materials and facilities while simultaneously reducing waste and environmental impacts to better support national security needs. / text

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal / Pour respecter les droits d'auteur, la version électronique de cette thèse ou ce mémoire a été dépouillée, le cas échéant, de ses documents visuels et audio-visuels. La version intégrale de la thèse ou du mémoire a été déposée au Service de la gestion des documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Le 16 novembre 1942, dans le désert du Nouveau-Mexique, J. Robert Oppenheimer suggéra à son homologue militaire, le Général Leslie Groves, que la Los Alamos Ranch School d'Ashley Pond serait une localisation idéale pour l'établissement d'un laboratoire secret où continuer la recherche sur la conception et la construction de la bombe atomique. Cet événement scella le destin du Nouveau-Mexique, surnommé la « terre d'enchantement », qui se vit alors octroyé une nouvelle identité en tant que berceau de l'ère nucléaire. Le laboratoire de Los Alamos a déclenché la troisième colonisation de la région : une conquête scientifique financée par le gouvernement fédéral et entretenue par la course à l'armement avec l'Union Soviétique. Le long du Rio Grande, les installations nées à la suite du Projet Manhattan ont révolutionné l'ordre social, économique et démographique établi dans l'État tout en y produisant des bouleversements environnementaux et culturels. Et pourtant, soixante–dix ans plus tard, le Nouveau-Mexique demeurait l'un des cinq États les plus pauvres du pays malgré son Eldorado nucléaire. Cette thèse évalue l'ambivalence et les multiples facettes de l'héritage du Projet Manhattan au Nouveau-Mexique. En estimant la durabilité et la répartition des profits générés par l'industrie nucléaire en termes d'emplois, d'éducation et de niveau de vie, cette thèse interroge l'étendue réelle des gains perçus par les populations locales grâce à cette révolution vers le nucléaire et la haute technologie, ainsi que l'évolution des coûts socio-économiques et environnementaux qu'il a fallu et qu'il faudra encore payer pour la panacée nucléaire. Depuis l'arrivée des premiers pionniers atomiques à Los Alamos, les populations natives du Nouveau-Mexique (qu'il s'agisse des Indiens pueblos, des villageois hispaniques ou des ranchers anglos) ont dû s'adapter aux changements en dents de scie d'un nouvel ordre reposant sur des fonds fédéraux, eux–mêmes déterminés par la scène politique internationale et ils furent confrontés à une concurrence de plus en plus rude avec les nouveaux arrivants, c'est-à-dire les immigrés du nucléaire venant d'autres États. L'association du pouvoir militaire, du gouvernement et de l'omniprésente confidentialité a renforcé les mécanismes du complexe militaro-industriel et scientifique local, ce qui a maintenu la région dans son statut de colonie interne des États-Unis. Depuis les années 1980, une prise de conscience progressive de la société concernant les conséquences environnementales et sanitaires de la radioactivité a entraîné des réactions antinucléaires au Nouveau-Mexique. Dès lors, de nombreuses voix précédemment restées dans le silence se sont levées pour mettre en évidence une autre vision de l'héritage nucléaire dans l'État. Cette perspective locale des participants les plus modestes, les oubliés de l'avènement de l'ère nucléaire, manque de reconnaissance historique. Par conséquent, l'objectif de cette thèse est d'examiner la relation entre ces Nouveaux-Mexicains et l'industrie nucléaire locale. / On November 16, 1942, in the New Mexican desert, J. Robert Oppenheimer suggested to his military counterpart, General Leslie Groves, that Ashley Pond's Los Alamos Ranch School would be an ideal location for the establishment of a secret laboratory to pursue research on the design and construction of the atomic bomb. This event sealed the fate of New Mexico, dubbed the “Land of Enchantment,” which acquired a new identity as the cradle of the nuclear age. The Los Alamos Laboratory paved the way to a third colonization of the area; a scientific conquest funded by the Federal Government and maintained by the arms race with the Soviet Union. Along the Rio Grande, the derivative installations of the Manhattan Project revolutionized the social, economic, and demographic order in the state while introducing environmental and cultural disruptions. And yet, seventy years later, New Mexico was still among the five poorest states in the nation despite its nuclear Eldorado. This thesis assesses the double-edged quality and the multiple facets of the Manhattan Project's legacy in New Mexico. By evaluating the durability and distribution of the benefits entailed by the nuclear industry in terms of jobs, education, and standards of living, this dissertation focuses on the question of the extent to which local populations actually gained from this high-technology revolution, and of the environmental, socio-economic price, which has been and will have to be paid for the nuclear bonanza. Since the settlement of the first atomic pioneers in Los Alamos, the native populations of New Mexico—be they Indian Pueblo dwellers, Hispanic villagers, or Anglo ranchers—have had to adapt to the ups and downs of the new order based on a dependence on federal funds that were, in turn, determined by global politics, and to face an increasingly harsh competition with outsiders, i.e. nuclear immigrants to the state. A combination of military and government power with secrecy built up the mechanism of a local military-industrial and scientific complex, which maintained the region's status as an internal colony of the United States. Since the 1980s, growing public awareness of environmental and health consequences of radioactivity have prompted antinuclear reactions in New Mexico. Thereupon, many previously unheard voices have spoken up to shed a new light on the nuclear heritage in the state. This local perspective of the humblest, forgotten participants in the advent of the nuclear age lacks historical recognition; therefore, the purpose of this dissertation is to address the relations between New Mexicans and the local nuclear industry.

Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar o potencial de esclarecimento de dois conjuntos de materiais. O primeiro consiste em uma exposição a respeito do ataque nuclear às cidades de Hiroshima e Nagasaki. Essa exposição é composta por 30 painéis contendo desenhos, fotografias, textos e gráficos. O segundo conjunto de materiais consiste em matérias jornalísticas recentemente publicadas pela mídia impressa a respeito da bomba atômica. Tais matérias, por sua vez, utilizam-se de textos, fotografias e gráficos. A partir de contribuição de autores vinculados à Teoria Crítica da Sociedade, em especial Theodor W. Adorno, Max Horkheimer e Herbert Marcuse, os materiais são analisados levando-se em conta as noções de elaboração do passado, racionalidade técnica e indústria cultural. Embora recorram à utilização de elementos semelhantes, procura-se demonstrar que os dois conjuntos de materiais acabam por diferir entre si quanto aos seus limites ou, em outras palavras, quanto ao seu potencial de esclarecimento. Isto porque a influência que recebem da indústria cultural, materializada pela presença de elementos característicos desta última no material analisado, nos parece diversa, preponderando em relação às produções da mídia impressa / This research has the purpose of analyzing the potential of enlightenment in two groups of materials. The first one consists in an exposition about the nuclear attack to the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, composed by thirty panels with drawings, photographs, texts and graphics. The second group of materials consists in newspapers news recently published by the printed media referring to the atomic bomb. These news, in its turn, uses texts, photographs and graphics. From the contribution of the authors from Frankfurt School, in special Theodor W. Adorno, Max Horkheimer and Herbert Marcuse, the materials are analyzed taking into account the notions of working through the past, technical rationality and cultural industry. Although they resort to the utilization of similar elements, we try to demonstrate that the two groups of materials turn out to differ among themselves as to their limits or, in other words, as to their potential of enlightenment. This is explained by the diverse influence that they receive from the cultural industry, materialized by the presence of characteristic elements of the later in the analyzed material, which seems to us more prevalent in relation to the printed media productions

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The oeuvre of the Irish poet, novelist, playwright and essayist Eugene Rutherford Watters (later publishing under the name Eoghan Ó Tuairisc), who wrote both in English and Irish, has been mostly neglected by literary criticism. This thesis focuses on Watters' ambitious long modernist poem The Week-End of Dermot and Grace (1964), which has so far received only perfunctory critical treatment. Formally, The Week-End shows clear affinities with the works of high modernism (especially with the poetry of T.S. Eliot), especially in terms of poly- and multivocal qualities of Watters' overtly allusive language and the liberal employment of wide-ranging intertextual references. On the thematic level, the poem centres around Watters' preoccupation with the dropping of the first atomic bomb on Hiroshima on 6th August 1945 by the American forces, a momentous event that impelled the poet to questions about faith, civilisation, technology, and collective guilt in the context of the Irish neutral stance during the Second World War. Reflections on Hiroshima also led him to contemplate the role of the poet and poetry in the modern "atomic age". Given the aforementioned qualities of the work, the method chosen for the analysis consists of a close reading of the poem in the light of the historical, literary, and...

There is a brief introduction explaining the themes in the literature available to date and how this thesis aims to add to available material. In chapter one I give an account of early British research into nuclear science, including collaboration between British universities and the effect the MAUD Report had on accelerating the United States atomic programme. I introduce the main British scientists here . In chapter two I focus on diplomacy between Britain and the United States in the period up to the Quebec Agreement. The two countries had their own atomic programmes at this stage and I discuss the lead up to the amalgamation of both programmes in August 1943. Chapter three examines the British raids on German heavy water facilities and the efforts to stop Germany acquiring the means to make an atomic bomb before the Allies. Co-operation between the British and U.S teams at Los Alamos is discussed, along with the crucial role played by Britain in assisting the American scientists. The British nuclear spies are featured in chapter four, focusing on Alan Nunn May and Klaus Fuchs. Their actions are discussed along with their arrests and trials. Effects of their cases on British atomic diplomacy with the Americans are highlighted. The final section sums up the legacies of Britain¿s nuclear programme and its effect on British Cold War politics with America and the U.S.S.R. The fusion, or hydrogen, bomb is mentioned briefly and an overall assessment of the achievements of the British scientists is included.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / In the early 1950s, President Dwight Eisenhower encouraged citizens to “Wake Up! Sign Up! Look Up!” to the Soviet atomic threat by joining the Ground Observer Corps (GOC). Established by the United States Air Force (USAF), the GOC involved civilian volunteers surveying the skies for Soviet aircraft via watchtowers, alerting the Air Force if they suspected threatening aircraft. This thesis examines the 1950s response to the longstanding problem posed by the invention of any new weapon: how to adapt defensive technology to meet the potential threat. In the case of the early Cold War period, the GOC was the USAF’s best, albeit faulty, defense option against a weapon that did not discriminate between soldiers and citizens and rendered traditional ground troops useless. After the Korean War, Air Force officials promoted the GOC for its espousal of volunteerism and individualism. Encouraged to take ownership of the program, observers appropriated the GOC for their personal and community needs, comprised of social gatherings and policing activities, thus greatly expanding the USAF’s original objectives.

Die Dissertation setzt sich mit den fotografischen Repräsentationen der Atombombenabwürfe auf Hiroshima und Nagasaki sowie der Havarie des Kernkraftwerks Tschernobyl auseinander. Dabei werden künstlerische, dokumentarische und touristische Bilder analysiert, die sich der jeweiligen Strahlenkatastrophe oftmals erst Jahre nach dem Ereignis annehmen und ikonografische oder medial-materielle Bezüge zu ihr aufweisen. Es zeigen sich zentrale Strategien, atomare Katastrophen, seien sie militärischer oder ziviler Natur, in fotografische Bilder überzuführen. Gerade das eigentliche Unvermögen, die visuell nicht sichtbaren Strahlenemissionen oder die Komplexität der Vorgänge auf atomarer Ebene zu visualisieren, hat sich als prägend erwiesen und bestimmt als Paradigma der Unsichtbarkeit die kulturelle Rezeption der Ereignisse. Es ist dieser Umgang mit den Abstraktionspotentialen der nuklearen Technologie, die im aktuellen Spannungsfeld ökologischer, sozialer und energietechnologischer Bildpolitik ihre Relevanz stets von neuem unter Beweis stellt. / The dissertation project seeks to analyse the photographic positions that deal with the atomic bomb attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the accident of the nuclear power plant in Chernobyl. This focus includes press photographs of the events as well as artistic, documentary and touristic images that take an approach towards the disasters often years after and hereby form iconographic or material references to the events. The study reveals central strategies for photographic images of atomic catastrophes, be they of military or civil nature. It is the inability to visualize non-visible nuclear rays or the complexity of processes on an atomic level that has turned out to be crucial. This incapacity of making images, a paradigm of invisibility, substantially coins the cultural role of the events. The question of how a society deals with these abstract potentials of nuclear technology has turned out to be always anew of high relevance in regard to ecological, social and technological policies of images.