La problématique de ce mémoire a pour point d’ancrage la conception antipolitique de la culture en Allemagne présentée par le sociologue allemand Wolf Lepenies. L’appel à la culture au-delà de la politique en RDA aurait bien survécu chez les intellectuels « officiels » est-allemands, d’où la survivance d’une tradition humaniste ancrée dans l’idéalisme allemand du 18ième siècle. Ce mémoire défend à titre d’hypothèses que le primat de la culture sur la politique en RDA n’était pas aussi omniprésent que ne le croit Lepenies, d’une part, et qu’il y a eu d’autre part instrumentalisation de la culture par le parti au pouvoir (SED), qui donna lieu à une idéologisation de l’héritage humaniste des classiques allemands et à une moralisation de la politique. En prenant en compte les intellectuels « inofficiels » est-allemands que Lepenies laisse dans l’ombre et à partir de la confrontation des idéaux-types de l’humanisme politique des Lumières, représenté par les groupes d’opposition qui œuvrèrent de concert avec les Églises protestantes, et de l’humanisme réel, compris comme un prolongement de l’idéologie matérialiste du marxisme qui inspira les politiques du SED et qui concorda avec une ritualisation du travail en RDA, ce mémoire explore l’antithèse de la démocratie et du totalitarisme à la lumière de deux types opposés d’Aufklärung : l’Aufklärung du citoyen et l’Aufklärung de l’homme. / The focus of this study is based on the antipolitical conception of culture in Germany presented by the German sociologist Wolf Lepenies. The appeal to culture beyond politics would have well survived amongst “official” East-German intellectuals, hence the survival of a humanist tradition anchored in the German idealism of the 18th century. This study argues by means of hypotheses that the supremacy of culture over politics in the GDR is not as omnipresent as Lepenies believes it is, on the one hand, and that there is on the other hand an instrumentalization of culture by the party in power (SED), which gave way to an ideologization of the humanist heritage of the German classics and to a moralisation of politics. By considering “inofficial” East-German intellectuals left aside by Lepenies and starting from the confrontation of the ideal-types of political humanism of the Enlightenment, represented by opposition groups which worked along with the protestant Churches, and real humanism, understood as an extension of the materialist ideology stemming from Marxism, which inspired SED politics and which corresponded with a ritualization of labour in the GDR, this study explores the antithesis between democracy and totalitarianism under the light of two types of Aufklärung : the Aufklärung of citizen and the Aufklärung of man.

Interpretando Sentimento da dialética, de Paulo Arantes, situado na tradição da filosofia hegeliana, a partir de seu vínculo com Ressentimento da dialética, do mesmo Autor, e inserido na dialética da Aufklärung, tal como a concebem Adorno e Horkheimer,a pesquisa busca apontar que o ponto de partida da crítica antissistêmica, hoje, é a resistência à sua conversão em ideologia. / The starting point of this study is the work of Paulo Arantes, Sentimento da dialética, which follows the Hegelian philosophical tradition. In addition, it takes into account the relationship of this book with another, Ressentimento da dialética, by the same author. It is an attempt to contextualize the two works in the dialectic of Aufklärung, according to the interpretation of Adorno and Horkheimer. Finally, the research seeks to demonstrate that the antissistêmica Critical depends on the resistance to his own conversion in ideology.

La problématique de ce mémoire a pour point d’ancrage la conception antipolitique de la culture en Allemagne présentée par le sociologue allemand Wolf Lepenies. L’appel à la culture au-delà de la politique en RDA aurait bien survécu chez les intellectuels « officiels » est-allemands, d’où la survivance d’une tradition humaniste ancrée dans l’idéalisme allemand du 18ième siècle. Ce mémoire défend à titre d’hypothèses que le primat de la culture sur la politique en RDA n’était pas aussi omniprésent que ne le croit Lepenies, d’une part, et qu’il y a eu d’autre part instrumentalisation de la culture par le parti au pouvoir (SED), qui donna lieu à une idéologisation de l’héritage humaniste des classiques allemands et à une moralisation de la politique. En prenant en compte les intellectuels « inofficiels » est-allemands que Lepenies laisse dans l’ombre et à partir de la confrontation des idéaux-types de l’humanisme politique des Lumières, représenté par les groupes d’opposition qui œuvrèrent de concert avec les Églises protestantes, et de l’humanisme réel, compris comme un prolongement de l’idéologie matérialiste du marxisme qui inspira les politiques du SED et qui concorda avec une ritualisation du travail en RDA, ce mémoire explore l’antithèse de la démocratie et du totalitarisme à la lumière de deux types opposés d’Aufklärung : l’Aufklärung du citoyen et l’Aufklärung de l’homme. / The focus of this study is based on the antipolitical conception of culture in Germany presented by the German sociologist Wolf Lepenies. The appeal to culture beyond politics would have well survived amongst “official” East-German intellectuals, hence the survival of a humanist tradition anchored in the German idealism of the 18th century. This study argues by means of hypotheses that the supremacy of culture over politics in the GDR is not as omnipresent as Lepenies believes it is, on the one hand, and that there is on the other hand an instrumentalization of culture by the party in power (SED), which gave way to an ideologization of the humanist heritage of the German classics and to a moralisation of politics. By considering “inofficial” East- German intellectuals left aside by Lepenies and starting from the confrontation of the ideal-types of political humanism of the Enlightenment, represented by opposition groups which worked along with the protestant Churches, and real humanism, understood as an extension of the materialist ideology stemming from Marxism, which inspired SED politics and which corresponded with a ritualization of labour in the GDR, this study explores the antithesis between democracy and totalitarianism under the light of two types of Aufklärung : the Aufklärung of citizen and the Aufklärung of man.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Interpretando Sentimento da dialética, de Paulo Arantes, situado na tradição da filosofia hegeliana, a partir de seu vínculo com Ressentimento da dialética, do mesmo Autor, e inserido na dialética da Aufklärung, tal como a concebem Adorno e Horkheimer,a pesquisa busca apontar que o ponto de partida da crítica antissistêmica, hoje, é a resistência à sua conversão em ideologia. / The starting point of this study is the work of Paulo Arantes, Sentimento da dialética, which follows the Hegelian philosophical tradition. In addition, it takes into account the relationship of this book with another, Ressentimento da dialética, by the same author. It is an attempt to contextualize the two works in the dialectic of Aufklärung, according to the interpretation of Adorno and Horkheimer. Finally, the research seeks to demonstrate that the antissistêmica Critical depends on the resistance to his own conversion in ideology.

Au fil des bouleversements politiques qui marquent l'espace germanophone et la France entre 1760 et 1800, la transmission du savoir historique voit ses missions, ses contenus et ses modalités profondément transformés. Répertoire d'exemples préparant les futurs souverains à l'exercice du pouvoir, l'enseignement de l'histoire s'insère dans le cadre d'États-nations qui réforment leurs systèmes éducatifs et intègrent une part grandissante de leur population dans la sphère politique. De fortes relations intertextuelles se tissent alors entre les livres d'histoire pour la jeunesse allemande et française – réécritures, traductions, compilations, synthèses, extensions, reprises de textes anciens ou étrangers re-contextualisés dans de nouvelles situations pédagogiques et politiques, qui contribuent à inventer le citoyen/Staatsbürger moderne. Deux formes de représentation sont examinées : les recueils d'histoires exemplaires, et à travers eux les recompositions des rapports entre morale et politique, et les tableaux synoptiques, outils pédagogiques qui mettent en lien les modèles politiques avec des modes d'ordonnancement des faits. Entre émancipation et discipline, ces deux formes induisent différents usages pédagogiques et modes de lecture par l'éducateur et par l'élève. Ces pratiques du texte peuvent à leur tour être modifiées selon les fonctions attribuées à la transmission de l'histoire voulues par le contexte politique : formation de futurs fonctionnaires, éveil de l'enthousiasme chez le citoyen-soldat ou encore complément à la lecture de la presse pour le jeune adulte – fonctions qui impliquent des définitions plus ou moins inclusives de la citoyenneté. / In a time of political upheaval in the Germanies and France, the transmission of historical knowledge underwent a profound transformation that affected its aims, its contents as well as its methods. In earlier periods, history was a collection of examples written as a guide for future sovereigns in order to compensate for their lack of experience. Between 1760 and 1800, an increasing proportion of the population was integrated into the political sphere, especially through gradual reforms in education in the emerging nation states. German and French authors copied, rewrote, synthesized, compiled and expanded upon one another's handbooks or children's books. They also reused and updated older teaching material, thus helping to redefine citizenship. Two forms of historical representation are analyzed: firstly, collections of exemplary stories – and through them the changing relationships between morality and politics. Secondly, such educational tools as timelines and more elaborated forms of historical overviews highlight the links between political models and the presentation of historical facts. Between emancipation and discipline, both forms induced different uses and reading modes from educator and pupil respectively. These uses could be modified according to the functions assigned to the transmission of history in the various political contexts: the training of future officials, the awakening of patriotic enthusiasm in the citizen-soldier or the introduction to a critical reading of the press for young adults – functions that implied a wide range of inclusive or exclusive definitions of citizenship.

This dissertation reexamines the music-theoretical writing of Georg Jospeh Vogler (1749-1814) in light of his educational background. His system, which is often characterized as "awkward" or "self-contradictory," is actually indicative of the rationalist/humanist preferences of Vogler's main source of training: the Jesuit Order. I argue that Vogler's theories and compositional style have been marginalized, partially due to their incompatibility with the more prevalent systems of his era, which were predominantly based in empirical modes of thought.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Afranio Tenorio da Silva.pdf: 1027001 bytes, checksum: 28fcbb757fa265501baf09b3d4b981ff (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-09-27 / The purpose of this work is the reading of the Le gouvernement de soi et des autres course, pronounced by Michel Foucault in 1983, on Collège de France. The aim is a reflexion on philosophy as a form of veridiction. The politics parrhesia is a form of philosophical veridiction that takes place in the meeting between philosophy and politics. This dissertation examines two built spaces on Antiquity for the politics parresia practice: the first one is the democratic city; the second one is the Prince s soul. Passing through the tragedy analysis of Ion, from Euripides, wherein parses the democratic parrhesia, and the VII Plato s Charter, wherein parses the autocratic parresia, it comes a question on how the parrhesia s concept, emerged from the early days of our culture, it means in Greek Antiquity, can echo on Modernity, trough the Aufklärung text from Kant. The result is a reflexion about the current philosophy and its contribution to a possible link between the own government and the others one / Este trabalho tem por objetivo a leitura do curso Le gouvernement de soi et des autres proferido por Michel Foucault em 1983, no Collège de France. Busca-se refletir sobre a filosofia enquanto forma de veridicção. A parresia política é uma forma de veridicção filosófica que se realiza no encontro entre filosofia e política. A dissertação analisa dois espaços constituídos na Antiguidade para o exercício da parresia política: o primeiro é a cidade democrática, o segundo, a alma do Príncipe. Passando pela análise da tragédia Íon de Eurípides, na qual se reflete sobre a parresia democrática, e da Carta VII de Platão, na qual se reflete sobre a parresia autocrática, se chega à questão sobre como o conceito de parresia, surgido nos primórdios de nossa cultura, isto é, na Antiguidade grega, pode encontrar ecos na Modernidade pela reflexão do texto de Kant sobre a Aufklärung. O resultado é uma reflexão sobre a atualidade da filosofia e sua contribuição para uma articulação possível entre o governo de si e dos outros

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Dieser Beitrag enthält eine Auflistung sämtlicher Artikel der 1742 erschienenen Zeitschrift einschliesslich kurzer Inhaltsbeschreibungen. / This contribution contents a list of all articles which published 1742 in the journal "Der Rabbiner". The list includes also short summeries of the articles.