L’exportation des normes de l’UE vers les pays voisins dans le domaine de la régulation des marchés gaziers et de leurs infrastructures est devenue le leitmotiv de la politique énergétique européenne extérieure. Cette thèse analyse les défis énergétiques auxquels est confrontée l’UE ; elle évalue également la politique européenne en matière de sécurité énergétique vis-à-vis de l’Azerbaïdjan et de l’Algérie ainsi que l’influence transformatrice de l’Union dans ces pays. L’analyse cherche à comprendre si, et dans quelle mesure, l’UE peut exporter ses normes vers les deux fournisseurs gaziers dans le cadre de sa gouvernance énergétique extérieure. La démarche méthodologique met en évidence les limites des explications dominantes de convergence fondées sur l’institutionnalisme rationnel et constructiviste et se propose de les enrichir en s’appuyant sur les cadres analytiques des études de diffusion et du « decentring ». Sur la base d’ouvrages spécialisés, de documents officiels et de 85 entretiens avec des acteurs publics de l’UE, d’Azerbaïdjan et d’Algérie et avec des acteurs privés à Bruxelles, Bakou et Alger, l’analyse cherche à expliquer la plus ou moins grande convergence des normes de l’UE. L’analyse s’attache à la coopération énergétique avec l’UE, les secteurs énergétiques et les projets d’infrastructures des deux pays au travers de six études de cas. La thèse se propose d’élargir la portée des études existantes en intégrant les influences de la situation géopolitique et du marché qui pèsent souvent de manière plus importante que les contraintes européennes et soutient dès lors que la gouvernance énergétique extérieure est seulement durable, si elle est « décentrée ». / The export of EU norms to regulate gas markets and transnational infrastructure has become the leitmotif of EU external energy policy in the neighbourhood. This thesis unpacks the underlying energy policy challenge of the EU, before analysing its approach to ensure energy security towards Azerbaijan and Algeria and examining the Union’s transformative influence. The major question of the research is: How and to which extent can the EU export its energy norms and policies towards both strategic neighbouring suppliers of natural gas, which represent least likely cases of EU external energy governance? The analytical framework sheds light on the limits of major rationalist and constructivist institutionalist explanations in accounting for convergence with EU energy norms and addresses them by drawing on insights from diffusion studies and the decentring framework. Relying on qualitative document and data analysis as well as extensive fieldwork and 85 interviews carried out with EU, Azerbaijani and Algerian officials as well as representatives of energy companies in Brussels, Baku, and Algiers, the research accounts for a varying degree of convergence as the result of an unstable and conflictual process. Examining energy cooperation with the EU, domestic energy sectors and major infrastructure projects within six case studies, the analysis sheds light on EU norm export from a bottom-up perspective of neighbouring public actors. The thesis broadens the scope of existing studies by factoring in geopolitical and market-based constraints and influences, which often outweigh EU coercion and depicts that EU external energy governance can only be sustainable, if it is ‘decentred’.

Azerbaijan presents itself as a country with an independent foreign policy, refusing European requirements for democratic reforms within the Eastern Partnership. Yet, the European Union keeps developing mutual relations, especially in the field of energy cooperation. The EU has been criticized for betraying its fundamental values of democracy and human rights, and doubts arise if the EU can represent a normative power, as described by Ian Manners in 2002. This master thesis therefore analyzes the European policy in Azerbaijan from a normative perspective. It concludes that the European Union's policy in Azerbaijan is normative and the economic cooperation is not an obstacle. Nevertheless, the impact of the European policy is hampered, making it not possible to state that EU has normative power. The main reasons are insufficient efficiency of European means and Azerbaijan's hostile approach. Still, the current situation of Azerbaijan's economic problems provides Europe with potential to increase its normative influence.

The thesis concerns with communication of Armenian and Azerbaijani Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Ministries of Defence on Facebook in relation to 2020 Nagorno Karabakh conflict. The official institutional accounts were used to bolster one sided narratives of the conflict, often by emotional appeals and misinformation targeting international and domestic audence. By analyzing FB communication of the named institutions, it aims to identify the key narrative-building tools utilized by state institutions in communication practice and how these tools are used prior to and during wartime. It also aims at comparing the communication practice across the institutions and in between the countries by analyzing Facebook posts of named ministries over period of 100 days using a dataset generated via Crowdtangle.

Systemic corruption remains a challenge to good governance and development in many parts of the world, while anti-corruption policies have largely been failing to prove success, despite increased international efforts. The growing scope of research literature suggests that ineffectiveness of the fight against corruption is caused by the inadequate theoretical ground that anti-corruption activities are developed on. Principal-agent model of anti-corruption interventions, which have been dominant, fall short in targeting the roots of systemic corruption and its informal institutions. As a result, a policy gap emerges between the reality of corruption and practice to curb it. By presenting the main indicators of systemic corruption and features of the anti-corruption policy gap, this thesis probes into the nature of corruption in Azerbaijan and analyzes the anti-corruption policies in place. It concludes that systemic corruption continues to prevail as a norm in Azerbaijan, while measures to fight against corrupt practices remain largely unsuccessful, due to lack of political will of principals, in contrary to the assumptions of the principal-agent framework.

The thesis analyses two modern surprise attacks - the 1982 Falklands War between Argentina and Great Britain; and the 2016 April War (also known as the Four Days War) among Azerbaijan, Armenia, and de facto Republic of Nagorno Karabakh. Using literature of the Theory of Surprise, the study tries to determine the reasons why states chose the strategy of surprise, and how did they decide on the timing of the wars. It also displays the shortcomings inherent in the strategy of surprise, and points out where the mistakes, false assumptions of the belligerents in these two cases studies lay. Finally, a comparative study of the cases highlights the ideas that can improve a state's preparedness and hopefully avoid surprise attacks in the future. Thesis title: The Element of Surprise: A Study of Two Modern Surprise Attacks Author: Tatevik Tadevosyan Study programme: Security Studies Supervisor: Dr Jan Ludvík, PhD Year of the defence: 2020

Abstract – From de facto to de jure: A comparative study between three post-Soviet territories path towards diplomatic recognition The purpose of this essay has been to study how well three post-Soviet de facto states live up to the definition of the concepts of state and sovereignty. Basically, the focus has been to, with the help of an analysis scheme constructed specifically for this study, analyse the situation the three de facto states are currently in and then compare their situations to one another. With the study I want to show that the history of the de facto states, as well as their current legal status, carry with them differences and similarities that play a major role in their future. By analysing a number of scientific articles and other research material within the social science sphere, I have been able to compile a table that shows how well the case studies live up to the seven criteria of the state outlined by Martin Glassner in Political Geography (2004). The main result of the study has been that various historical and demographic circumstances in the three de facto states have distinguished them from one another during the more than three decades that have passed since the fall of the Soviet Union. However, this is in stark contrast to the strong ties they all have to a patron state, which in all cases is crucial to the legal state of limbo they are all currently residing in.

The submitted thesis called "The Relevance of Azerbaijan and Georgia in New Energy Geopolitics" deals with the topic of perception of energy security from the perspective of the European Union with special emphasis put on two southern Caucasian countries - Azerbaijan and Georgia. The purpose of this thesis is to analyse the topic by means of the constructivist approach. The theoretical framework is based on the redefined theory of securitization. The methodological basis is represented by the discursive analysis of the official documents issued by the European Union, embedded in the context of European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership initiative respectively whilst taking into consideration the external influence of the Russian Federation in the time period of approximately ten years, i.e. from 2003, when the European Neighbourhood was established, up to the present. The main objective of the submitted thesis is to assess the perception of energy security from the point of view of the European Union and to identify key contextual links and discursive themes that dominated the political discourse of the European Union in particular moments of the respective period.

Master thesis "Strategy of Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict resolution by participating states and key external actors"deals with the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, in the center of which lies the dispute about the Nagorno Karabakh. Using qualitative analysis of grand strategy of Armenia and Azerbaijan and grand strategies of key regional and external stakeholders it uncovers interests, objectives and postures of the players in their strategic environment. On the basis of comprehensive analysis of the grand strategies I assess their effectiveness in relation to fulfillment of the state's goals and also the role, which conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan plays in their strategy. In theoretical part I present short overview of the evolution of the concept of grand strategy and also operationalization of assessment of the strategies. In the second chapter I describe the historical background of south Caucasus, which is crucial for understanding of the conflictive nature of some interstate states in the region. In the third chapter I analyze grand strategies of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkey, Russia, USA and EU. In the last chapter I summarize the effectiveness and relevance of chosen strategies.

No description available.

L’écroulement de l’URSS à la fin du XX siècle a donné naissance à quinze nouveaux États indépendants sur un large territoire eurasien. Tel est le cas de l’Azerbaïdjan, l’un des pays du Caucase du sud, qui a regagné son indépendance après l’effondrement du système socialiste en 1991. Grâce à sa situation géographique et à ses richesses énergétiques (pétrole et gaz), l’Azerbaïdjan occupe une place stratégique et fait l’objet d’un « jeu » géopolitique, aussi bien à l’échelle régionale que mondiale entre de grandes puissances telles que les États-Unis, l’Union Européenne, la Russie, la Turquie et quelques autres. En retour, il essaie de jouer son atout, en appliquant une politique étrangère multivectorielle. Parmi eux, la Turquie occupe une place privilégiée dans la politique étrangère de l’Azerbaïdjan, grâce à son histoire, sa langue, sa religion et leurs traditions communes. Cette thèse s’est fixée pour objectif d’analyser les relations qui se sont établies entre l’Azerbaïdjan et la Turquie, en se basant sur trois axes qui constituent les pivots principaux des relations bilatérales entre les deux États: politique, économique (commercial) et sécuritaire (stratégique). / The collapse of the USSR at the end of the twentieth century has been followed by the creation of fifteen new independent States in the large Eurasian territory. Such is the case of Azerbaijan, which has declared its independence in 1991. Thanks to its geographical position and energy resources (oil and gas) Azerbaijan occupies a geopolitically strategic position and is subject to a geopolitical « game », which implies both regional (Turkey) and great world powers (such as the US, EU and Russia). Consequently, Azerbaijan has adopted a multi-vector foreign policy with its neighbors. Among its neighbors, Turkey, sharing a common history, language, religion and traditions has an important place in the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. In terms of the geopolitical « game », this thesis analyses the relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey. It is based on three axes, as these are the main pillars of bilateral relations between both states. These are political, institutional (commercial) and strategic (security).