Avec le dernier roman La Bascule du souffle (Prix Nobel) écrit 4 mains avec Oskar Pastior, l’écrivaine allemande d’origine roumaine Herta Müller ouvre à une recherche inédite. La romancière aborde avec le roman un tabou historique et testimonial qui s'impose comme une œuvre de portée universelle. L’écrivaine appartient à la 1.5 génération (Ruban Suleiman), qui exprime ses souvenirs non-vécus par le biais du passé, par l’entremise de l’imaginaire (Marianne Hirsch). Avec le roman comme document de la mémoire collective et culturelle, par l'esthétique de la remémoration, la romancière s’inscrit dans une « communauté de pensée » (C.Coquio) des auteurs-témoins de la première génération (Charlotte Delbo, Robert Antelme, Primo Levi, Jorge Semprún, Jean Cayrol), en mettant à mal les critères moraux et esthétiques sur les camps d’exterminations et les camps de travail forcé, le Stalinisme et le Nationalisme. Notre thèse comme recherche sur les procédés littéraires de la romancière rejoint celle sur les formes d’écriture des écrivains-témoins de l’expérience des camps, comme d'Oskar Pastior. Notre analyse du texte participe à la mise en relief de la fonction esthétique de la contrainte oulipienne employée comme pharmakon au double sens de remède et de poison.La recherche sur le roman anticipe l’avancée des études sur l’oulipien Oskar Pastior et nourrit ainsi, d’une manière réciproque, un regard nouveau sur l’œuvre de la poétesse allemande de renommée mondiale. / With her latest novel Atemschaukel/The Hunger Angel (Nobel Prize) of Herta Müller co-written with Oskar Pastior, the Romanian-born German writer opens up a new line of research. With Atemschaukel/ The Hunger Angel she broaches an historical and testimonial taboo that emerges as a work with universal reach. The writer belongs to the 1.5 generation (Ruban Suleiman) who express memories not experienced in the past through imagination (Marianne Hirsch). Documenting the collective and cultural memory through the aesthetic power of recollection, the novelist belongs to the ‘community of thought’ (Catherine Coquio) of first generation ‘postmemory’ authors (like Charlotte Delbo, Robert Antelme, Primo Levi, Jorge Semprun, Jean Cayrol) by undermining moral and aesthetic criteria about the extermination and forced labour camps, Stalinism, and Nationalism. As research into the literary devices of the novelist, this thesis ties in with analysis of the forms of writing used by witness-authors coming from experience of the camps, like this of Oskar Pastior. Interpreting constraint (Formzwang) in his aesthetic fonction, this investigation concludes by declaring the constraint as a pharmakon in both senses of the word: remedy and poison. The research on this novel anticipates further development of studies on the Oulipian Oskar Pastior, and so in a reciprocal manner sheds new light on the work of the world-famous German poet.

L’objectif de cette thèse, en sciences de l’information et de la communication, est de questionner les enjeux liés à la localisation de la communication de prévention à l’occasion de la politique publique de sécurité routière en France.L’émergence de la communication publique de l’État en France est récente. Elle remonte aux années 1970 avec la politique de création des villes nouvelles et l’introduction de la communication comme facteur de changement de l’administration et de modification du comportement des individus. Ce dernier aspect montre la croyance en un « pouvoir d’influence » de la communication médiatisée de la part des pouvoirs publics et par là-même la tendance qui en résulte d'analyser la communication publique de l’État à travers sa seule dimension « médiatique ». Sans occulter la place des médias dans la communication publique, l’analyse s’intéresse aux différentes dimensions sous-jacentes, qui émergent par la localisation de la communication de prévention sur le thème de la sécurité routière, dont les médias ne semblent refléter qu’une partie.Cette approche par la localisation met en présence des logiques, des stratégies d’acteurs et des représentations qui s’affrontent et montrent que de la question de la sécurité routière émergent d’autres enjeux qui dépassent le cadre initial comme notamment celui de la quête de la visibilité, celui de la légitimation de l’action publique à travers la communication, celui de la normalisation du comportement à travers l’encadrement de la conduite individuelle et celui de la gouvernance des territoires à l'heure où l'État semble perdre de plus en plus de prérogatives au profit des collectivités territoriales.L'approche diachronique de l’ « institutionnalisation » de la communication de l’État sur la question de la sécurité routière et de ses enjeux montre trois périodes clés : les années 1970 avec une approche "technique" de la sécurité routière et la naissance des premières campagnes de prévention (d’abord dans le milieu associatif). Ensuite les années 1980 et les premiers mouvements de décentralisation qui marquent une nouvelle orientation dans le cadre de l’action publique concernant la sécurité routière qui se lit non seulement à travers la structuration interne de l’appareil d’État (restructuration de ses services externes) mais également à travers son déploiement territorial et le transfert de compétences aux pouvoirs locaux. Enfin, les années 2000 voient le renforcement de la dimension « coercitive » et la mise en place d'un ensemble d'outils en ce sens.L’analyse de l’évolution de la communication publique sur la thématique de la sécurité routière et de sa localisation montre qu’elle est intrinsèquement liée à l’évolution même de l’administration d’État (aux niveaux structurel et politique) d’où les tentatives de réorientations successives (et pas nécessairement différentes) de cette politique, l’intervention d'acteurs aux intérêts et logiques différents qui n’apportent pas forcément une redéfinition de la politique de communication (du moins pas dans sa partie la plus visible), l'importance de la mobilisation des outils quantitatifs, réactivée par les lois de finance ainsi que les impératifs au niveau européen. / The objective of this thesis, in information and communication sciences, is to question the issues related to the location of prevention communication during the public policy about road safety in France.In France,the emergence of public communication of the state is recent. It dates back to the 1970s with the policy of creating new towns and the introduction of communication as a factor of change of administration and modification of the behavior of individuals. This last aspect shows the belief in a "power of influence" of the publicized communication on the part of the public authorities and hence the resulting tendency to analyze public communication of the State through its sole dimension “The media ". Without obscuring the role of the media in public communication, the analysis focuses on the various underlying dimensions emerging from the localization of prevention communication on the theme of road safety, the media of which seem to reflect only “a part.This localization approach brings together the logics, the strategies of the actors and the representations that confront each other and show that issues of road safety emerge from other issues that go beyond the initial framework, in particular that of the quest for The visibility, the legitimisation of public action through communication, the normalization of behavior through the management of individual conduct and the governance of territories at a time when the state seems to lose More and more prerogatives for the benefit of local and regional authorities.The diachronic approach of the "institutionalization" of state communication on the issue of road safety and its stakes shows three key periods: the 1970s with a "technical" approach to road safety and the birth of First prevention campaigns (first in the voluntary sector). Then the 1980s and the first decentralization movements marked a new orientation in the framework of public action concerning road safety, which is read not only through the internal structuring of the State apparatus (restructuring of its external services ) But also through its territorial deployment and the transfer of powers to local authorities. Finally, the 2000s saw the strengthening of the "coercive" dimension and the setting up of a set of tools in this sense.The analysis of the evolution of public communication on the issue of road safety and its location shows that it is intrinsically linked to the evolution of state administration (at the structural and political levels) Where attempts at successive (and not necessarily different) reorientations of this policy, the intervention of actors with different interests and logics that do not necessarily bring about a redefinition of the communication policy (at least not in its most visible part ), The importance of the mobilization of quantitative tools, reactivated by the finance laws as well as the imperatives at European level.

SILVA, Elivanda de Oliveira. A transformação da natureza humana nos governos totalitários e a ascensão do animal laborans na esfera pública: uma leitura biopolítica da obra de Hannah Arendt. 2012. 98f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Filosofia, Fortaleza (CE), 2012. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-12T13:20:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-EOSILVA.pdf: 676258 bytes, checksum: 676a5a24a8b3bb142d5f90aedae7c976 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-12T14:18:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-EOSILVA.pdf: 676258 bytes, checksum: 676a5a24a8b3bb142d5f90aedae7c976 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-11-12T14:18:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-EOSILVA.pdf: 676258 bytes, checksum: 676a5a24a8b3bb142d5f90aedae7c976 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Our study has the purpose to carry through a biopolitic reading of Hannah Arendt’s work, what means analyzing the relation between life and politics, from the contained biopolitic elements in the autor’s philosophy. To make it possible, we will use to concept from Giorgio Agamben, mainly, the concepts of bare life, state of exception, homo sacer so that, having understook them, we can work on the biopolitic elements of the arendtian’s work, which pass by it in an implicit form. Thus, our intention is to demonstrate that, even in an not explicit way, it has, in the arendtianas reflections, about “ what we are doing” in modernity, that is, reducing the human condition to the mere activity of the animal laborans, worried, exclusively, in preserving its life in biological direction, biopolitics elements that, in our agreement, serve as argument tools to elucidate the reflexive intentions of this author. The two points that we choose for the accomplishment of this research, in intention to point the biopolitic elements in Arendt, are the primacy of the natural life on the political action, resulted from the extreme valorization of the labor in modernity, and the pretension of total domain of the totalitarianism, that used the scenario of the mass societies of century XX, to place in march its ambition of transforming the human nature, reducing the man to a mere animal. Our intention, therefore, is from the analyses of the arendtian’s work Origins of Totalitarianism (1951) and the Human Condition (1958), to demonstrate textually that, exactly for never appearing in its writings, the concept of biopolitcs, configures as a conducting wire so that we can notice the reach and the depth of the politic-philosophical thought of Hannah Arendt, that appears as an authentic interpreter of her time, whose writings continue relevant so that we can understand the political and human reality. / Nosso estudo tem como objetivo realizar uma leitura biopolítica da obra de Hannah Arendt, o que significa analisar a relação entre vida e política, a partir dos elementos biopolíticos contidos na filosofia da autora. Para tanto, iremos lançar mão do arcabouço conceitual de Giorgio Agamben, principalmente, dos conceitos de vida nua, estado de exceção, homo sacer para que, de posse desses, possamos trazer à tona os elementos biopolíticos da obra arendtiana, os quais a perpassam de forma implícita. Assim, nossa intenção é demonstrar que, mesmo de maneira não explícita, há, nas reflexões arendtianas, acerca “do que estamos fazendo” na modernidade, ou seja, reduzindo a condição humana à mera atividade do animal laborans, preocupado, exclusivamente, em preservar sua vida em sentido biológico, elementos biopolíticos que, em nosso entendimento, servem como ferramentas argumentativas para elucidarmos as intenções reflexivas dessa autora. Os dois pontos que escolhemos para a realização desta pesquisa, no intuito de apontar os elementos biopolíticos em Arendt, são o primado da vida natural sobre a ação política, resultado da supervalorização do trabalho na modernidade, e a pretensão de domínio total do totalitarismo, que se utilizou do cenário das sociedades de massa do século XX, para colocar em marcha a sua ambição de transformar a natureza humana, reduzindo o homem a um mero animal. Nosso propósito, portanto, é a partir das análises das obras arendtianas Origens do Totalitarismo (1951) e a Condição Humana (1958), demonstrar que, mesmo nunca aparecendo textualmente em seus escritos, o conceito de biopolítica configura-se como um fio condutor para que possamos perceber o alcance e a profundidade do pensamento político filosófico de Hannah Arendt, que se mostra como uma autêntica intérprete de seu tempo, cujos escritos continuam relevantes e nos dão base para compreendermos a realidade política e humana.

Depuis la fin de la Guerre froide, la pratique de l’aide humanitaire est principalement devenue l’apanage des Occidentaux et de ses alliés, contribuant à l’émergence d’une norme d’intervention (néo)libérale. Cette recherche vise à déterminer s’il existe une pratique alternative; dans cette optique, le cas de l’humanitarisme cubain sera analysé. À partir d’une revue de la littérature et d’un travail de terrain conduit à Cuba auprès de coopérants ayant servi dans le cadre de « missions internationalistes », cette recherche se déroule selon trois étapes principales. Dans un premier temps, il s’agira, à partir des études réalisées par les auteurs post-foucaldiens tels que Duffield, Pupavac, McFalls et Pandolfi, de déterminer la nouvelle tendance de l’aide humanitaire apparue au sortir de la Guerre froide. Cette dernière a été représentée sous une forme idéal-typique par Laurence McFalls qui a identifié l’exercice de la gouvernementalité (thérapeutique) (néo)libérale sur les terrains d’intervention. Dans un deuxième temps, le coeur du travail consistera à élaborer l’idéal-type du modèle d’intervention cubain à partir des entrevues réalisées à Cuba. Dans cette seconde étape, il conviendra de caractériser la logique de l’action de l’humanitarisme cubain n’ayant pas encore été établie par les chercheurs. La troisième étape reposera sur la comparaison critique entre les deux idéauxtypes ayant été présentés, dans le but, ultimement, de déterminer si l’humanitarisme cubain s’inscrit dans la norme (néo)libérale ou si, au contraire, il présente une alternative à celle-ci. Ceci permettra d’élaborer une réflexion sur l’hégémonie, la domination légitime et la place de l’humanitaire dans les relations internationales. / Since the end of the Cold War, humanitarian aid has mainly been a Western practice, contributing to the emergence of a neo-liberal norm of intervention. In order to determine if there is an alternative practice, this research aims at analyzing the Cuban’s humanitarian aid. Based on a literature review and a fieldwork led in Cuba with those “internationalist missions” volunteers, this study follows three main steps. The first part, relying on studies carried out by post-foucaldiens authors such as Duffield, Pupavac, McFalls and Pandolfi, will determine the new trend of the humanitarian aid which appeared at the end of the Cold War. Laurence McFalls has presented it as an ideal-type as he identified the exercise of a (therapeutic) neo-liberal governementality on the humanitarian intervention’s field. Second, the logic of the Cuban international aid action, which has not yet been investigated by the researchers, will be characterized. Third, the previously presented ideal-types will be critically compared in order to determine if the Cuban humanitarian aid corresponds to the neo-liberal norm or if it, in fact, represents an alternative. This will allow us to think about key concepts such as hegemony, therapeutic domination and the place of humanitarian aid in international relations.

Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-04-04T19:15:18Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Frederico dos Santos Araújo - 2016.pdf: 1175231 bytes, checksum: a8e5c8f6fcc772bc2845c8bc68adb25e (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-04-05T10:50:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Frederico dos Santos Araújo - 2016.pdf: 1175231 bytes, checksum: a8e5c8f6fcc772bc2845c8bc68adb25e (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-05T10:50:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Frederico dos Santos Araújo - 2016.pdf: 1175231 bytes, checksum: a8e5c8f6fcc772bc2845c8bc68adb25e (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-04 / The initial purpose of this essay is to look for evidences that the work of the italian writer Giorgio Agamben influences the Latin American academic politic literature in a significative way. In a complementary manner, it intends also to evaluate if the own latin american history represents an incentive to researchers of different knowledge's areas get help in the Agamben's teachings, in reason to a convergency of theories (Homo Sacer, State of Exception, bare life, biopolitic, camp, etc) and facts (colonization, dictatorial regimes, violence state, etc.). At the end, original manners to enrich reasonings and debates about important social political problems will also be evaluated, using, for that, concepts developed by Giorgio Agamben, writer that, necessary to register, owns a theoretical framework rich, dense, sometimes complex, but, first off all, quite appropriate to face actual questions related to the natural tension between the State and the Individual and, therefore, related to the own life. / A proposta inicial desta dissertação concentra-se, principalmente, na procura de indicativos de que a obra do escritor italiano Giorgio Agamben influencie de maneira significativa a literatura político acadêmica produzida na América Latina. De modo complementar, pretendese avaliar também se a própria história latino americana representa um incentivo para que pesquisadores de diferentes áreas do conhecimento recorram aos ensinamentos de Agamben em razão de uma convergência entre teorias (Homo Sacer, estado de exceção, vida nua, biopolítica, campo, etc) e fatos (colonização, regimes ditatoriais, violência estatal, etc). Por fim, serão avaliadas também maneiras originais de enriquecimento de raciocínios e debates elaborados sobre importantes problemas sociopolíticos, utilizando, para tanto, conceitos desenvolvidos por Giorgio Agamben, autor que, necessário registrar, possui um arcabouço teórico rico, denso, algumas vezes complexo, mas, acima de tudo, sobremodo apropriado para o enfrentamento de questões atuais e relacionadas à tensão natural entre o Estado e o indivíduo e, portanto, à própria vida.

A l'interface de la sociologie des migrations et de la sociologie politique, la thèse porte sur les migrations de retour des réfugiés congolais à partir des principaux pays d'acceuil l'afrique centrale. loin d'être regardées dans une perspective linéaire et statique entre deux sédentarités mais analysées à partir d'observation in situ et d'entretiens biographiques réalisés pendant près de seize mois dans les espaces d'accueil et de retour, les migrations de retour son intégrées ici dans un espace migratoire dynamique fait d'oppositions et de transactions entre les dispositifs du flux migratoire qui organisent et réglementent les migrations de retour, et les multiples pratiques formelles et informelles du sujet dont les intenses jeux de tension s'inscrivent dans un contexte soutenu de limitation des flux migratoires et l'accroissement de nouvelles formes de mobilité dans l'espace migratoire d'afrique centrale. / In the interface of the sociology of migration and political sociology, the thesis focuses on return migration of Congolese refugees from the main host countries of central Africa. Far from being observed in a linear and static perspective between two sedentarinesses but analyzed starting from in situ observations and from biographical interviews conducted during 16 months in host and return areas, the migrations of return are integrated in a dynamic migratory space constituted by oppositions and transactions between the biopolitic plans of retention of flows and the circulatory practices of the refugees. The accent is particularly focused on negotiating "biographical crossroads" and migratory careers of refugees from the social, spatial and political capital acquired during the refuge time. How, in these intersections between migratory careers and biopolitical plans, the returnees can define and negotiate their installations in the environment of return ?