As três primeiras décadas do século XX representaram uma importante transformação no panorama brasileiro. O modelo agroexportador que priorizou por séculos a exportação de gêneros agrícolas e teve como principal produto nas últimas décadas o café, deu seus primeiros sinais de esgotamento ao mesmo tempo em que a industrialização ia aos poucos ganhando espaço como alternativa econômica no país.A jovem República Oligárquica também dava sinais de contradição com o surgimento de grupos sociais insatisfeitos com a falta de participação política e a piora nos níveis de vida nos grandes centros urbanos. É em meio a esse contexto de crise que surgiu o Centro das Indústrias do Estado de São Paulo, fundado em 1928, com o intuito de representar as demandas do empresariado industrial paulista. Buscamos em nossa pesquisa, investigar as origens dessa fração de classe, a organização de suas demandas e seu posicionamento político. Para isso, nos debruçaremos principalmente no posicionamento do CIESP frente a dois eventos políticos: a Revolução de 1930 e o levante paulista de 1932. / The first three decades of the twentieth century represented an important transformation for the brasilian outlook. The agroexporter model, which prioratized for centuries the exportation of agricultural products, had in coffee its main product for the past decades and shown its first signs of exhaustion, at the same tine as the industrialization process bit by bit gained centrality as an economic alternative for the country. The young oligarquic republic also displayed signs of contradiction in regards to the uprising of social groups insatisfied with the lack of political participation and with the decreasing quality of life in the large urban centers. In such context the Center of Industries of the State of Sao Paulo emerged, founded in 1928, carrying out the goal of representing the claims of Sao Paulo\'s industrial business community. We search, in this research, to investigate the origins of this class fraction and the organization of their interests and political positioning. Therefore, we shall look specially into the instituion positioning in relation to two political events: the 1930 Revoluion and the 1932 uprising in Sao Paulo.

O presente estudo denomina-se A burguesia perdida: empresariado industrial e desenvolvimento econômico (1960-1974). A partir da década de 1950 o Brasil vive um processo de internacionalização da economia, em decorrência da reorganização das burguesias metropolitanas e do limite do modelo de indústria substitutiva de importações. No período posterior ao golpe de 1964 esta internacionalização será acentuada, configurando um novo modelo de desenvolvimento, dependente e associado. O objeto de pesquisa é o comportamento da burguesia brasileira e as mudanças na estrutura industrial frente aos avanços do capital estrangeiro e à dinâmica do novo modelo implantado pelo Estado na economia. A perspectiva adotada será a de observar as estratégias de sobrevivência das pequenas, médias e grandes indústrias perante as empresas estrangeiras e a crescente presença do Estado na economia. / The present study is entitled The lost bourgeoisie: industrial enterprise and economical development (1960-1974). Starting 1950s, Brazil undergoes a process of internationalization of its economy, due to the reorganization of the metropolitan bourgeoisie and to the verge achieved by the importation substitutive industry model. In the period after the 1964s coup detat, such internationalization will be more emphasized, configuring a new model of development: dependent and associated. The research object of the present study is the Brazilian bourgeoisie behavior and the changes in the industrial structure towards the progress of foreign capital and the dynamics of the new model adopted by the State in the economy. The chosen perspective will observe the survival strategies of small, medium and major enterprises towards foreign companies and the growing presence of the State within economy.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

This thesis attempts to make an analysis of the state tradition perspective by particularly focusing on the relations between the state and big bourgeoisie represented by T&Uuml / SiAD in the post-1980 period. As this perspective has been hegemonic in discourse in examining state-society relations in Turkey in recent decades, thereby dominating the political, academic, and business circles, it becomes very important for Turkish politics students to understand what is implied by this phrase in order to conceive the political developments in Turkey. This thesis aims to explore the adequacy of this perspective in accounting for the state-society relations. The focus on T&Uuml / SiAD is derived from the fact that its organizational evolution allows us to evaluate the adequacy of theoretical premises and main arguments of the state tradition perspective. In this study, it is concluded that the state tradition perspective offers a reductionist framework in favor of the state / neglects the impact of the social dynamics and international institutions and actors / and reproduces the strong state at any historical moment. Depending on these findings, it is claimed that the state tradition perspective does not provide an appropriate methodological and conceptual framework especially in examining the state-big business relations within the context of the changing domestic and international contexts.

This article analyzes the rise of the Civil Party before the War with Chile. It studies the outstanding characteristics of the limanian bourgeoisie from which the party arose, as well as the role of the congress, elections and the presidency of Manuel Pardo. Thanks to unified voting patterns the party managed to outweigh the opposition in congress. Elections, which were held every two years, also required a common effort on the part of  the civilists. In spite of its efforts, the party did not carry out any important reform during Pardo’s presidency. Finally, the article explains the elitist social composition of the party and its eminently limanian characteristics. / El artículo analiza el surgimiento del Partido Civil antes de la Guerra con Chile. Señala primero las características sobresalientes de la burguesía limeña, clase social de la cual emergió dicho partido. Después analiza el rol del Congreso, de las elecciones y de la presidencia de Manuel Pardo. En el Congreso, el partido logró imponerse a sus opositores gracias al voto unificado de sus miembros. Las elecciones, a su vez, exigieron un esfuerzo común de los civilistas, que debido a la legislación electoral se repetía cada dos años. A pesar de su fuerza, el partido no implementó reformas de importancia durante la presidencia de Pardo. Al final, el artículo explica la conformación social elitista del partido y sus rasgos eminentemente limeños.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / A partir da leitura crítica de Mafalda, obra do cartunista argentino Quino, e alicerçados no conceito de hegemonia de Gramsci, sobretudo na noção de contra-hegemonia, buscamos analisar as possibilidades de se construir coletivamente sentidos contra-hegemônicos no ensino de História a partir do que chamamos de crítica aos elementos característicos da sociedade burguesa (a democracia, o individualismo, o estímulo ao consumo, a propriedade privada, a naturalização das diferenças, a competição, dentre outros). As contribuições de Gramsci ao campo da Educação, como o vínculo dialético entre as relações hegemônicas e pedagógicas, sua concepção da escola como um destacado aparelho privado de hegemonia, além das reflexões sobre os intelectuais e sua ação pedagógica na construção/difusão/legitimação de consensos, constituem pilares fundamentais das análises. É esforço fundamental da pesquisa identificar em que medida os professores, conscientes de seus vínculos de classe e compromissados com as classes dominadas, podem atuar como educadores-intelectuais orgânicos à estas classes, no âmbito da escola, tornando-a uma trincheira sob o conceito gramsciano de guerra de posição contra a hegemonia burguesa. Em termos metodológicos, foram selecionadas quinze tiras de Mafalda (divididas em onze temas os elementos que caracterizam a sociedade burguesa), presentes na obra Toda Mafalda (2002), no intuito de subsidiar as reflexões aqui esboçadas. Obviamente, todo recorte é ideológico e nenhuma escolha é neutra. As tiras escolhidas, longe de sintetizarem o olhar do artista argentino a respeito da burguesia, atendem aos objetivos deste trabalho. / From the critical reading of Mafalda, of argentine cartoon writer Quino, and based on Gramscis concept of hegemony, above all in the notion of counter-hegemony, we have tried to analyze the possibilities of constructing collective counter-hegemony senses in teaching History starting with critical eye upon characteristics of the bourgeois society (democracy, individualism, consumption incentive, private property, naturalization of differences, competition, among others). Gramscis contributions to Education, as a dialectic link between pedagogic and hegemony relations, his conception of school as an outstanding private instrument of hegemony, besides reflections on intellectuals and their pedagogic influence on the construction/diffusion/legitimation of agreements are fundamental pillars of the analysis. The main effort of the research has been to identify in what extent the teachers, conscious of their class connections and committed to the dominated ones, may act as intellectual educators of these classes, on the school bounds, becoming a barrier under Gramsci concept of position war against bourgeois hegemony. In methodological terms we have chosen fifteen Mafaldas strips (divided in eleven themes, identified as characteristic features of bourgeois society) which are part of Toda Mafalda (2002), aiming to reinforce the reflections herein delineated. Obviously, every construction is ideological and there arent neutral choices. The chosen cartoons, far from synthesizeing the argentine artist view over bourgeoisie, supply the focus of this work.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pages from MariaCM_1_110.pdf: 1672052 bytes, checksum: 43730546897291958abc7ec982a2faed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-07 / The thought of Eloy de Souza is studied (1873-1959), that left a significant intellectual production in the journalistic, cultural and politicial scope on the Northeast and the dilemmas of the droughts. Through the method of content analysis, his journalistic and literary speech is investigated, looking at to understand the elaboration and/ or reiteration of categories, of representations and of values; it is verified how was conceived the constitution of the political thought and which is it?s principal slopes; the parliamentary speech, present in his interventions is analyzed in plenary session, participation in commissions and in his projects, particularly in the thematic area of the droughts. It is verified that his work is built in a political and ideological perspective inserting the bourgeoisie landowner's interests and Northeastern commercial and of it?s political strata, inside the historical block of agro-industry power that has as irradiation focus the area of the coffee represented politically by the oligarchies person from S?o Paulo and Minas Gerais. In that sense, two crucial categories emerge: the droughts and the country, as the Northeastern and Brazilian man's synthesis, with their resistance capacity and adaptation, and their creative effort in an adverse enviroment, that Eloy de Souza started to insert in his political speech. However, the vision that he passes of the "country suffer", expresses a certain idealization of a lifestyle that corresponds to a traditional dominance, that he want?s to be reproduced. Although it looked for the solution for the drought through the modernization of the economy by the adoption of advanced methods as the irrigation, his concern went back to the conservation of the economical and cultural political hegemony of that elite. Thus, his inquietude with the process of integration of the subordinate sections, justifies his consensual speech, harmonic as organic intellectual of the agrarian-commercial bourgeoisie of the Brazilian Northeast / Estuda-se o pensamento de Eloy de Souza (1873-1959), que deixou uma produ??o intelectual significativa no ?mbito jornal?stico, cultural e pol?tico sobre o Nordeste e os dilemas das secas. Atrav?s do m?todo de an?lise de conte?do, investiga-se o discurso jornal?stico e liter?rio, buscando compreender a elabora??o e/ou reitera??o de categorias, de representa??es e de valores; verifica-se como se deu a constitui??o do pensamento pol?tico e quais as principais vertentes; analisa-se o discurso parlamentar, presente em interven??es no plen?rio, participa??o em comiss?es e em projetos, particularmente na ?rea tem?tica das secas. Constata-se que sua obra ? constru?da numa perspectiva pol?tica e ideol?gica inserindo interesses daburguesia latifundi?ria e comercial nordestina e dos seus estratos pol?ticos, no interior do bloco hist?rico de poder agr?rio-industrial que tem como foco de irradia??o a "regi?o" do caf? representada politicamente pelas oligarquias paulista e mineira. Nesse sentido, emergem duas categorias cruciais: assecas e o sertanejo, como a s?ntese do homem nordestino e brasileiro, com sua capacidade de resist?ncia e adapta??o e esfor?o criador num ambiente adverso, que Eloy de Souza passou a inserir no discurso pol?tico. Por?m, a vis?o que passa do sertanejo sofredor , expressa idealiza??o de um estilo de vida que corresponde a uma domina??o tradicional, a qual pretende que seja reproduzida. Embora buscasse a solu??o para a seca atrav?s da moderniza??o da economia mediante a ado??o de m?todos avan?ados como a irriga??o, sua preocupa??o voltava-se para a conserva??o da hegemonia pol?tica econ?mica e cultural dessa elite. Assim, a inquieta??o com o processo de integra??o dos setores subalternos, justifica seu discurso consensual, harm?nico como intelectual org?nico da burguesia agr?rio comercial, do Nordeste brasileiro

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CarlosEF_DISSERT.pdf: 995177 bytes, checksum: 9410eaadcd9007008d6315880e77910d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-10 / Rogram relying on sociological interface between Economic Sociology, Sociology of Moral Theory of Socialization and Social Stratification, this dissertation research makes use of theoretical contributions Luic Boltanski, Charles Taylor, Axel Honneth, Pierre Bourdieu and Bernard Lahire to problematize the generally about the physical and symbolic production and social reproduction of the type of "economic ethics" predominant in the new petite bourgeoisie Brazilian. In other words, the goal is to explain and analyze the objective conditions (economic needs and moral grammar) and intersubjective (modes of socialization and social networks) and update the social genesis and contextual transcontextual beliefs, biases, inclinations and cultural regularities observed the economic behavior of individual profiles for the fractions of the urban petty bourgeoisie and commercial upward Natal / RN. With regard to methodological strategies adopted in data collection will be conducted qualitative interviews (semistructured) and ethnographic notes. In turn, the analytical treatment of the collected empirical content is based on the approach dispositionalist (Pierre Bourdieu, Lo?c Wacquant and Bernard Lahire) that emphasizes the study of the past embedded agents and the different contexts of incorporation / activation / inhibition of "provisions" individual cultural / Se apoiando em programa sociol?gico de interface entre Sociologia Econ?mica, Sociologia da Moral, Teoria da Socializa??o e Estratifica??o Social, a presente pesquisa de disserta??o se serve das contribui??es te?ricas de Luic Boltanski, Charles Taylor, Pierre Bourdieu e Bernard Lahire para problematizar de modo geral a respeito das condi??es materiais e simb?licas de produ??o e reprodu??o social do tipo de ?tica econ?mica predominante na nova pequena burguesia brasileira. Dito de outro modo, o objetivo ? explicitar e analisar as condi??es objetivas (necessidades econ?micas e gram?tica moral) e intersubjetivas (modos de socializa??o e redes de sociabilidade) da g?nese social e atualiza??o contextual e transcontextual de cren?as, propens?es, inclina??es e regularidades culturais observadas no comportamento econ?mico de perfis individuais relativos a fra??es da pequena burguesia comercial urbana e ascendente de Natal/RN. No que se refere ?s estrat?gias metodol?gicas adotadas na coleta dos dados, ser?o realizadas entrevistas de tipo qualitativo (semiestruturadas) e anota??es etnogr?ficas. Por sua vez, o tratamento anal?tico do conte?do emp?rico coletado apoia-se na abordagem disposicionalista (Pierre Bourdieu e Bernard Lahire) que enfatiza o estudo do passado incorporado dos agentes e os diferentes contextos de incorpora??o/ativa??o/inibi??o das disposi??es culturais individuais

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / A partir da leitura crítica de Mafalda, obra do cartunista argentino Quino, e alicerçados no conceito de hegemonia de Gramsci, sobretudo na noção de contra-hegemonia, buscamos analisar as possibilidades de se construir coletivamente sentidos contra-hegemônicos no ensino de História a partir do que chamamos de crítica aos elementos característicos da sociedade burguesa (a democracia, o individualismo, o estímulo ao consumo, a propriedade privada, a naturalização das diferenças, a competição, dentre outros). As contribuições de Gramsci ao campo da Educação, como o vínculo dialético entre as relações hegemônicas e pedagógicas, sua concepção da escola como um destacado aparelho privado de hegemonia, além das reflexões sobre os intelectuais e sua ação pedagógica na construção/difusão/legitimação de consensos, constituem pilares fundamentais das análises. É esforço fundamental da pesquisa identificar em que medida os professores, conscientes de seus vínculos de classe e compromissados com as classes dominadas, podem atuar como educadores-intelectuais orgânicos à estas classes, no âmbito da escola, tornando-a uma trincheira sob o conceito gramsciano de guerra de posição contra a hegemonia burguesa. Em termos metodológicos, foram selecionadas quinze tiras de Mafalda (divididas em onze temas os elementos que caracterizam a sociedade burguesa), presentes na obra Toda Mafalda (2002), no intuito de subsidiar as reflexões aqui esboçadas. Obviamente, todo recorte é ideológico e nenhuma escolha é neutra. As tiras escolhidas, longe de sintetizarem o olhar do artista argentino a respeito da burguesia, atendem aos objetivos deste trabalho. / From the critical reading of Mafalda, of argentine cartoon writer Quino, and based on Gramscis concept of hegemony, above all in the notion of counter-hegemony, we have tried to analyze the possibilities of constructing collective counter-hegemony senses in teaching History starting with critical eye upon characteristics of the bourgeois society (democracy, individualism, consumption incentive, private property, naturalization of differences, competition, among others). Gramscis contributions to Education, as a dialectic link between pedagogic and hegemony relations, his conception of school as an outstanding private instrument of hegemony, besides reflections on intellectuals and their pedagogic influence on the construction/diffusion/legitimation of agreements are fundamental pillars of the analysis. The main effort of the research has been to identify in what extent the teachers, conscious of their class connections and committed to the dominated ones, may act as intellectual educators of these classes, on the school bounds, becoming a barrier under Gramsci concept of position war against bourgeois hegemony. In methodological terms we have chosen fifteen Mafaldas strips (divided in eleven themes, identified as characteristic features of bourgeois society) which are part of Toda Mafalda (2002), aiming to reinforce the reflections herein delineated. Obviously, every construction is ideological and there arent neutral choices. The chosen cartoons, far from synthesizeing the argentine artist view over bourgeoisie, supply the focus of this work.

O presente estudo denomina-se A burguesia perdida: empresariado industrial e desenvolvimento econômico (1960-1974). A partir da década de 1950 o Brasil vive um processo de internacionalização da economia, em decorrência da reorganização das burguesias metropolitanas e do limite do modelo de indústria substitutiva de importações. No período posterior ao golpe de 1964 esta internacionalização será acentuada, configurando um novo modelo de desenvolvimento, dependente e associado. O objeto de pesquisa é o comportamento da burguesia brasileira e as mudanças na estrutura industrial frente aos avanços do capital estrangeiro e à dinâmica do novo modelo implantado pelo Estado na economia. A perspectiva adotada será a de observar as estratégias de sobrevivência das pequenas, médias e grandes indústrias perante as empresas estrangeiras e a crescente presença do Estado na economia. / The present study is entitled The lost bourgeoisie: industrial enterprise and economical development (1960-1974). Starting 1950s, Brazil undergoes a process of internationalization of its economy, due to the reorganization of the metropolitan bourgeoisie and to the verge achieved by the importation substitutive industry model. In the period after the 1964s coup detat, such internationalization will be more emphasized, configuring a new model of development: dependent and associated. The research object of the present study is the Brazilian bourgeoisie behavior and the changes in the industrial structure towards the progress of foreign capital and the dynamics of the new model adopted by the State in the economy. The chosen perspective will observe the survival strategies of small, medium and major enterprises towards foreign companies and the growing presence of the State within economy.