Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-17T13:54:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 VICENTE MARQUES DE CASTRO NETO.pdf: 552204 bytes, checksum: 5ab8857d343b91133c47cd12f9e5dbde (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-03-28 / In this dissertation we try to analyze the influence of the economical capitalism upon education. We accomplish, in the first chapter, an historical revision of the evolution of capitalism in the economical field, which has as referential point the world bourgeois conception consolidation, form the capitalist commercial stage, until its industrial phase. Soon after, we verify the Rise of the United States of America, like the world economic power and the profound alterations that ocurred inside the North American factories, with the introduction of the rational organizational model in the line of production. Finally, we focus the current issues, mostrly from the postwar, with the introduction of the new paradigm of production initiated in Toyota´s Japonese factories, the capitalist crisis of 1970, the technological revolution with the new elements arrival, the process of worldwide capital and the new ideological conception that sustains the capitalism policy: the Neo-liberalism. In the second chapter, we word the educational issues at the same historical line of the first chapter, highlighting the role of the educational system as one of the support instruments of the bourgeois idea of world, that establishes itself from its consolidation, fundamentally, with the industrial revolution; Afterwards, with the need of most qualified workmanship from the introduction of the scientific method for goods production and, lately, radicalizing with the need of highly qualified workers to handle the instruments produced by the technological revolution of the last decades. We analyze, as well, the Brazilian education from the colonial to the Empire period, in the military government of 1964 and the adaptation of educational politics in FHC s government for the interests of the international organisms and the international economical politics. / Nesta dissertação procuramos analisar a influência do capitalismo econômico na educação. Realizamos, no primeiro capítulo, uma revisão histórica da evolução do capitalismo no campo econômico, que tem como ponto referencial a consolidação da concepção burguesa de mundo, a partir da etapa comercial capitalista, até sua fase industrial. Em seguida, verificamos a ascensão dos Estados Unidos da América, como potência econômica mundial e as profundas alterações que ocorreram no interior das fábricas norte-americanas, com a introdução do modelo de organização racional na linha produção. Por último, enfocamos as questões atuais, principalmente a partir do pós-guerra com a introdução do novo paradigma da produção iniciado nas fábricas japonesas da Toyota, a crise capitalista de 1970, a revolução tecnológica com a chegada de novos elementos, o processo de mundialização do capital e a nova concepção ideológica que sustenta a política do capitalismo: o neoliberalismo. No segundo capítulo, trabalhamos a questão educativa na mesma linha histórica do primeiro capítulo, destacando o papel do sistema educativo como um dos instrumentos de sustentação da idéia burguesa de mundo, que se estabelece a partir da sua consolidação, fundamentalmente, com a revolução industrial; posteriormente, com a necessidade de mão-de-obra mais qualificada a partir da introdução do método científico na produção de mercadorias e, ultimamente, radicalizando com a necessidade de trabalhadores altamente qualificados para manusear os instrumentos produzidos pela revolução tecnológica das últimas décadas. Analisamos, também, à educação brasileira no período colonial ao império, no governo militar de 1964 e a adequação da política educacional do governo FHC aos interesses dos organismos internacionais e da política econômica internacional.

Estudo da arquitetura das moradias da burguesia santista no período do auge da exportação do café - passagem do século XIX para o XX - até 1929. São analisadas em especial as residências localizadas nas avenidas Ana Costa e Conselheiro Nébias, novos eixos que partiram do núcleo colonial antigo e seguiram em direção às praias organizando a ocupação das novas áreas da cidade. Reconhecimento desse período como o momento em que a cidade passou por profundas transformações - econômicas, sociais e culturais - recebeu as ferrovias, foi urbanizada e saneada com sistema de canais e viu seu porto se transformar no maior exportador de café do país. / Architectural study of santistas bourgeoisie dwelling during the coffee exportation peak in the end of the century XIX and beginning of the XX until 1929. A special focus is given to the houses located at avenida Ana Costa and avenida Conselheiro Nébias, the new areas that originated from the old colonial center and continued developing towards the beach direction resulting in the organization of new living areas in the city. Acknowledgment of this period as the moment through which the city went through deep changes economic, social and cultural as well as when railways were constructed, urbanization and sanitation with drainage channels took place, and when its port became the biggest coffee exporter.

A presente dissertação tem como proposta analisar a participação do empresariado industrial nacional no processo de transição política da ditadura civil-militar (1964-1985) para a Nova República (1985-atual). De forma mais precisa, a pesquisa procura elaborar um pensamento crítico a respeito da capacidade de articulação dessa fração da classe burguesa nas suas relações com o Estado para garantir os seus interesses políticos e econômicos. Nesse aspecto, a dissertação estabelece como essas relações se desenvolveram sob uma perspectiva histórica - ao longo do processo de industrialização do país - para, em seguida, analisar a sua reorganização no período de transição política, compreendido entre 1974, com o início da Abertura política, e 1988, quando a Constituição da Sexta República foi promulgada. As análises elaboradas se apoiam numa leitura bibliográfica que discute a formação do setor industrial a partir das especificidades do desenvolvimento econômico do Brasil, considerando a sua condição periférica no capitalismo; e do levantamento de fontes bibliográficas e de documentos produzidos pelo setor e por periódicos, que possibilitam uma avaliação mais detida sobre o papel desempenhado pelos industriais durante o período de transição política. Assim, a dissertação tem como objetivo caracterizar os interesses e os posicionamentos tomados pelo empresariado industrial nacional durante esse processo, de modo a dimensionar a sua influência para o fim da ditadura e para a conformação da Nova República. Como estudo de caso, a dissertação se propõe a aprofundar o debate sobre a atuação dos industriais na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (1987-1988), com a intenção de destacar a relevância histórica desse momento para a afirmação do seu poder nos rumos econômicos e políticos do país. / This dissertation proposal is to analyze the participation of the national industrial business in the political transition process of civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985) to the New Republic (1985-present). More precisely, the research seeks to develop a critical thinking about the articulation capacity of this fraction of the bourgeois class in its relations with the State to guarantee their political and economic interests. In this respect, the dissertation establishes how these relations have developed from a historical perspective - during the country\'s industrialization process - to then analyze its reorganization in the political transition period, from 1974, with the beginning of the \"Opening policy \", and 1988, when the constitution of the Sixth Republic was enacted. Elaborate analysis rely on a literature reading that discusses the formation of the industrial sector from the specifics of economic development from Brazil, considering its peripheral condition in capitalism; and bibliographical sources survey and documents produced by the industry and journals that provide a more detailed assessment of the role played by industry during the period of political transition. Thus, the thesis aims to characterize the interests and positions taken by the national industrial business during this process in order to measure their influence to the end of the dictatorship and the conformation of the New Republic. As a case study, the thesis objective is to deepen the debate on the role of industry in the National Constituent Assembly (1987-1988), with the intention of highlight the historical importance of this moment for their power statement in the economic and political direction of the country.

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No. of bitstreams: 1 luzianehelenadonascimento.pdf: 785810 bytes, checksum: bfc29f7730a53fdbe496724011d446f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-30 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Na década de 1990, intensificou-se uma complexa expansão do ensino superior brasileiro, através da forte atuação de empresários do ensino, que se organizavam em associações com o objetivo de assegurar seus interesses na aparelhagem estatal. Esta atuação se consolidou na primeira década dos anos 2000 e se deveu, em grande parte, à Associação Brasileira de Mantenedoras de Ensino Superior (ABMES), que é uma das associações do empresariado mais bem estruturadas, com abrangência nacional e com grande poder de pressão. Partindo destas constatações, tivemos como objetivo analisar as formulações e as proposições da ABMES para a educação superior, suas articulações para viabilizar seu projeto e o impacto de sua intervenção nas políticas para a educação superior nos períodos dos governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1998 e 1999-2002) e Lula da Silva (2003-2006 e 2007-2010). Esta investigação se caracteriza como uma pesquisa documental cujo corpus é composto pelas publicações e documentos elaborados pela ABMES desde a sua criação, em 1982, até o ano de 2010. A análise do corpus documental foi feita com base em três categorias (papel do Estado, formação humana e configuração da educação superior). A base da pesquisa é a teoria gramsciana de Estado ampliado e a teoria poulantziana de Estado relacional. A perspectiva epistemológica que fundamenta a pesquisa é o materialismo histórico dialético. Com a análise do corpus documental, percebemos que a ABMES passou por três fases ao longo de sua existência (implantação, desenvolvimento e consolidação). Para a ABMES, o Estado deve favorecer o oferecimento da educação-mercadoria, tendo ações de regulação mínima, não intervindo no mercado de ensino. A formação humana deve ser voltada estritamente para as demandas do mercado de trabalho, não se preocupando com a elevação cultural dos seus alunos. A configuração da educação superior deve permitir a coexistência de tipos diversificados de estabelecimentos e cursos para favorecer o atendimento das demandas dos alunos. Concluímos que, com ações coesas e estratégias bem articuladas, o empresariado do ensino superior, através da ABMES, conseguiu dar o tom da política nacional de educação superior durante os períodos de governo estudados. / In the 1990s, it intensified a complex expansion of Brazilian higher education, through the strong performance of the business school, who organized themselves in associations in order to secure their interests in the state system. This operation was consolidated in the first decade of the 2000s and was due in large part to the Brazilian Association of Maintainers of Higher Education (ABMES), which is one of the entrepreneurs' associations better structured, with national coverage and with great power pressure . Based on these findings, we had to analyze the formulations and the propositions of ABMES for higher education, your joints to enable your project and the impact of its intervention in policies for higher education in times of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1998 and 1999-2002) and Lula da Silva (20032006 and 2007-2010). This research is characterized as a documentary research whose corpus is composed of publications and documents prepared by ABMES since its inception in 1982 until the year 2010. The analysis of the documentary corpus was based on three categories (state's role, human formation and configuration of higher education). The centerpiece is the Gramscian theory of expanded state and Poulantzas's theory of relational State. The epistemological approach underlying the research is the dialectical historical materialism. With the analysis of the documentary corpus, we realize that ABMES passed through three phases throughout its existence (implementation, development and consolidation). For ABMES, the state should encourage the offering of education-commodity, and actions of minimal regulation, not intervene in the education market. The human development should be geared strictly to the demands of the labor market, not worrying about the cultural elevation of their students. The setting of higher education should allow the coexistence of diverse types of institutions and courses to further meet the demands of the students. We conclude that, with cohesive actions and wellarticulated strategies, higher education entrepreneurship through ABMES, could set the tone of national politics of higher education during the periods studied government.

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No. of bitstreams: 1 luzianehelenadonascimento.pdf: 785810 bytes, checksum: 8c0ba76191a53f5b54b4419dee9774ef (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-30 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Na década de 1990, intensificou-se uma complexa expansão do ensino superior brasileiro, através da forte atuação de empresários do ensino, que se organizavam em associações com o objetivo de assegurar seus interesses na aparelhagem estatal. Esta atuação se consolidou na primeira década dos anos 2000 e se deveu, em grande parte, à Associação Brasileira de Mantenedoras de Ensino Superior (ABMES), que é uma das associações do empresariado mais bem estruturadas, com abrangência nacional e com grande poder de pressão. Partindo destas constatações, tivemos como objetivo analisar as formulações e as proposições da ABMES para a educação superior, suas articulações para viabilizar seu projeto e o impacto de sua intervenção nas políticas para a educação superior nos períodos dos governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1998 e 1999-2002) e Lula da Silva (2003-2006 e 2007-2010). Esta investigação se caracteriza como uma pesquisa documental cujo corpus é composto pelas publicações e documentos elaborados pela ABMES desde a sua criação, em 1982, até o ano de 2010. A análise do corpus documental foi feita com base em três categorias (papel do Estado, formação humana e configuração da educação superior). A base da pesquisa é a teoria gramsciana de Estado ampliado e a teoria poulantziana de Estado relacional. A perspectiva epistemológica que fundamenta a pesquisa é o materialismo histórico dialético. Com a análise do corpus documental, percebemos que a ABMES passou por três fases ao longo de sua existência (implantação, desenvolvimento e consolidação). Para a ABMES, o Estado deve favorecer o oferecimento da educação-mercadoria, tendo ações de regulação mínima, não intervindo no mercado de ensino. A formação humana deve ser voltada estritamente para as demandas do mercado de trabalho, não se preocupando com a elevação cultural dos seus alunos. A configuração da educação superior deve permitir a coexistência de tipos diversificados de estabelecimentos e cursos para favorecer o atendimento das demandas dos alunos. Concluímos que, com ações coesas e estratégias bem articuladas, o empresariado do ensino superior, através da ABMES, conseguiu dar o tom da política nacional de educação superior durante os períodos de governo estudados. / In the 1990s, it intensified a complex expansion of Brazilian higher education, through the strong performance of the business school, who organized themselves in associations in order to secure their interests in the state system. This operation was consolidated in the first decade of the 2000s and was due in large part to the Brazilian Association of Maintainers of Higher Education (ABMES), which is one of the entrepreneurs' associations better structured, with national coverage and with great power pressure . Based on these findings, we had to analyze the formulations and the propositions of ABMES for higher education, your joints to enable your project and the impact of its intervention in policies for higher education in times of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1998 and 1999-2002) and Lula da Silva (20032006 and 2007-2010). This research is characterized as a documentary research whose corpus is composed of publications and documents prepared by ABMES since its inception in 1982 until the year 2010. The analysis of the documentary corpus was based on three categories (state's role, human formation and configuration of higher education). The centerpiece is the Gramscian theory of expanded state and Poulantzas's theory of relational State. The epistemological approach underlying the research is the dialectical historical materialism. With the analysis of the documentary corpus, we realize that ABMES passed through three phases throughout its existence (implementation, development and consolidation). For ABMES, the state should encourage the offering of education-commodity, and actions of minimal regulation, not intervene in the education market. The human development should be geared strictly to the demands of the labor market, not worrying about the cultural elevation of their students. The setting of higher education should allow the coexistence of diverse types of institutions and courses to further meet the demands of the students. We conclude that, with cohesive actions and wellarticulated strategies, higher education entrepreneurship through ABMES, could set the tone of national politics of higher education during the periods studied government.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

En 1697, Auguste le Fort, électeur de Saxe, est élu et couronné roi de Pologne : c'est le début de soixante-six ans d'union personnelle de la Saxe et de la Pologne. Cette période est caractérisée par l'ascension et le changement de l'identité de la dynastie des Wettin albertins. Celle-ci est désormais royale et catholique, elle peut mener une politique de grande envergure grâce à la situation géopolitique de la Pologne et elle s'insère dans le réseau des grandes familles souveraines d'Europe (Habsbourg, Bourbons) ainsi que dans l'Église d'Empire. Tout cela, les Wettin l'expriment par leur investissement dans leur ville-résidence et capitale, Dresde : ils y bâtissent des palais, des jardins en signe de leur splendeur royale, ils y restaurent l'Église catholique, ils y rassemblent de prestigieuses collections et y organisent de somptueuses fêtes. Toutefois, la dynastie n'est pas le seul acteur de la ville-résidence et elle n'est pas le seul moteur des transformations qui affectent Dresde dans la première moitié du xviiie siècle. Outre la noblesse proche de l'électeur par sa position dans l'État ou à la cour, il faut tenir compte des bourgeois (au sens juridique du terme) et des institutions communales, qui profitent de la présence de la dynastie, de son administration et de sa cour, qui en sont fiers, mais qui mettent en avant l'identité luthérienne de Dresde. Cependant, les Wettin travaillent à l'embellissement de tout l'espace urbain, parce que toute la ville-résidence est à la fois le miroir et l'écrin de l'électeur de Saxe et roi de Pologne. / In 1697, Augustus the Strong, Elector of Saxony, was elected and crowned King of Poland : the event marked the beginning of the personal union of Saxony and Poland, which lasted sixty-six years. The characteristics of this period were the rise of the House of Albertine Wettin and a considerable dynastic change. The dynasty was henceforth catholic and of royal dignity ; the Wettin could lead a large-scale politics thanks to the geopolitical position of Poland, join the network of the great European sovereign families (Habsburg, Bourbons) and the Imperial Church. The Wettin expressed this change in Dresden, their residence and capital in Saxony : here, they built palaces and gardens which gave evidence of their royal magnificence, they restored the Catholic Church, gathered prestigious collections and organized great ceremonies. However, the dynasty was neither the only actor of the residence, nor the only factor of the changes which affected Dresden in the first half of the eighteenth century. Besides noblemen who owed their nearness to the Elector to their political position, we have to take in account the burgers (in the legal sense of the term) and the communal institutions : they took advantage and were proud of the presence of the dynasty, its administration and its court, but insisted on the Lutheran identity of Dresden. Nevertheless, the Wettin aimed at the beauty of the urban space, since all the residence and capital was at once the mirror and the case of the Elector of Saxony and King of Poland.

Orientador: Armando Boito Jr / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T10:45:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Berringer_Tatiana_D.pdf: 2021775 bytes, checksum: 329a73245105927c0fa5619416e38479 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Este trabalho investigou a relação existente entre a política externa e o bloco no poder nos governos FHC e Lula. Como parte de uma pesquisa coletiva realizada pelo grupo "Neoliberalismo e relações de classe no Brasil" - Cemarx (Unicamp) -, esta tese buscou identificar quais os interesses de classe que determinaram a posição política do Estado brasileiro no cenário internacional durante esses governos. A nossa hipótese é que a mudança na orientação da política externa esteve ligada à nova configuração do bloco no poder, particularmente, a ascensão política da grande burguesia interna. Essa fração de classe reúne, no seu núcleo, as empresas de capital predominantemente nacional, algumas estatais e, perifericamente, algumas multinacionais aqui instaladas. Consideramos que durante os governos FHC, para atender prioritariamente aos anseios do capital financeiro nacional e internacional, o Estado brasileiro se subordinou de maneira passiva ao imperialismo o que indica que a fração que detinha a hegemonia no interior do bloco no poder se comportou como burguesia compradora, isto é, como correia de transmissão dos interesses imperalistas no interior da formação social nacional. Mas, ao longo dos anos, sobretudo, em função das negociações da Alca, a grande burguesia interna se aglutinou e passou a exigir uma maior margem de manobra do Estado, principalmente em relação à abertura comercial unilateral que vinha sendo adotada. Por isso, durante os governos Lula, o Estado brasileiro se aproximou dos Estados dependentes, priorizando as relações sul-sul, e tomou posições políticas que geraram conflitos pontuais com o imperialismo. O resultado direto da política externa foi o atendimento de interesses econômicos da grande burguesia interna, que se traduziram em: proteção ao mercado interno, aumento das exportações e impulso à internacionalização das empresas brasileiras. Concluímos que a posição política do Estado brasileiro transitou de subordinação passiva para subordinação conflitiva / Abstract: This study investigated the relationship between foreign policy and the bloc on power in FHC's and Lula¿s governments. As part of a collective research conducted by "Neoliberalism and class relations in Brazil" group - Cemarx (Unicamp) -, this thesis sought to identify which class interests have determined the political position of the brazilian State in the international arena during those governments. Our hypothesis is that the change on the foreign policy orientation was linked to the new configuration of the bloc on power, particularly the political rise of the large internal bourgeoisie. This fraction class contains on its core, companies that have predominantly national capital, some of them are public companies and, peripherally, some are multinationals. We believe that during the FHC's government, in order to achieve the needs of domestic and international finance capital, the brazilian State has subordinated itself passively to imperialism. This indicated that the fraction that had the hegemony at that period behaved as a buyer bourgeoisie, which means as a transmission belt for the imperialism interests within the brazilian national social formation. Nevertheless, over the years, especially since FTAA negotiations, the large internal bourgeoisie coalesced itself demanding greater leeway for the state, especially regarding trade openness. Therefore, during the Lula government, the brazilian State has approached itself to dependent states (prioritizing south-south relations) and have taken political positions that resulted in conflicts with the imperialism. The foreign policy converged with the economic interests of the large internal bourgeoisie. These interests could be translated as: protection of the internal market and the policies of increasing exports and boost the internationalization of some brazilian companies. We conclude that the political position of the Brazilian State transitioned from passive subordination to conflicting subordination / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutora em Ciência Política

Thesis (M. A. (Sociology)) --University of Limpopo, 2017 / The purpose of this study was to explain the events surrounding the Marikana miners’ strike in 2012, using Marxism’s concept of class consciousness. The labour disputes witnessed at Marikana in 2012 represent one of the major labour movements that South Africa has witnessed since the inception of democracy. This study adopted qualitative research methods to inquire into the events of the Marikana 2012 labour disputes. Methods used in this study include qualitative research, descriptive research design, Marxism critical inquiry, purposive sampling and critical discourse analysis. Moreover, the study investigated employee relations in the mining sector. In addition, this study also examined the Marikana miner’s working and living conditions and probed the role of social control agencies, including, trade unions, bargaining councils and the police, during the protests. This study proposes a fair distribution of wealth in the mining sector and the removal of the Migrant Labour System. Additionally, this study recommends transparency in the mining sector, the transformation of the education system and the restructuring of trade unions. / University of Limpopo Research Office

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This ethno a h explores the mean in s of personhood and agency in Maneberg a township located on the Cape Flats, in Cape Town South Africa. The township was a site of relocation for people who were classified coloured during the apartheid era and who were forcibly removed from newly declared white areas in the city in the 1960s I argue that despite the old apartheid state's attempts to reify the meaning of colouredness through racial legislation,\the residents of Manenberg created their own meanings of personhood, agency and community within the bureaucratic, social and economic interstices of the apartheid systems Yet at the same time they also reinstated the very structural processes at the heart of their racial and gendered subjugation. I indicate how the cohesiveness of the Rio Street community in Manenberg, the survival of its residents and their validation as respectable mothers, tough men and good daughters hinged on and effloresced from a moral economy that articulated with the structural location of coloured women in the apartheid economy and racial bureaucracy. I draw upon the writings of Fortes (1969), Giddens (1984) and Karp (1995) to elaborate upon the concept personhood in Manenberg. I show how the local understandings of personhood provide residents with agency, whilst connecting the latter to township history and apartheid social structure, thereby illustrating its limits. The concept personhood captures the duality of existence of Manenberg residents and maps out their negotiation and contestation about personhood and agency. I use Hobart (1990) and Kratz (2000) to indicate that lagency in Manenberg is complex and is situationally determined~Finally I utilise the theoretical insights of Donham (1999) to indicate that Manenberg's social, economic and historical location in the South African context allows for several notions of personhood to prevail in the township. These notions are grounded in the multiple, interconnected, hierarchically ordered, competing cultural and economic systems of production at the local, national and global levels. This complex location of Manenberg residents generates multiple constructs of inequality, power and agency that impinge upon each other and that are reflected in the contestations about personhood in diverse township spaces.